Chun-Qiu (春秋) or the Spring and Autumn Annals is a chronicle of Luo (魯), a state of Ancient China, covering the period from 722 bc to 479 bc. It includes astronomical records such as solar eclipses, comets, planetary motions etc.. Among these data, solar eclipses, 37 in total, have been examined by many scholars to make clear the calendar of the period. Conclusion is that 33 among the above-mentioned 37 eclipses can be identified with those listed in Oppolzer's "Canon der Finsternisse", while the remaining four have been abandoned as doubtful because no eclipses can take place on the dates of the records. The present paper shows that two of the hitherto-doubted data （# 15 and # 22 of the Chun-Qiu eclipse numbers） can be turned out to be real eclipses solely by changing the year-numbers in the documents as follows. （1） In case of the # 15 eclipse, the original document says, "On a kui-mao day (癸卯) in the sixth month of the seventeenth year of Lord Xuan (宣公) ,a solar eclipse occurred" Simply change the "seventeenth" to the "seventh" in the document, then this record correspnds to Oppolzer's No. 1445 partial eclipse which was visible as much eclipsed as 0.36 in Qufu (曲阜), capital of Luo, in early morning on May 8, in 602 BC. （2） In case of the # 22 eclipse, the document says, "On the first day and geng-chen (庚辰) day in the tenth month of the 21st year of Lord Xian (襄公) a solar eclipse occurred." This hitherto-doubted record recovers its righteousness only by changing the "21 st" to the "26 th". Then the record is identified with the eclipse of Oppolzer's No. 1588 which was seen in Qufu in the evening of October 23, in 547 BC. At this time the sun set at 17:23 while being eclipsed as much as 0.26. （3） Julian days of these re-located eclipses are kui-mao and geng-chen, the same as in the originals. This cannot be a mere coincidence since probability of coincidence by chance between the sexagesimal dates is as small as 1/60. （4） The discovered misprints of dates may have been originated from any disorder of the bamboo tablets or from mistranscriptions in the later times. Anyway, addition of these two eclipses will be useful in order to study the calendar system of the Chun-Qiu Period.

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This study traces the change process of the function of Kita-no-Tai, Tainoya on the north side of the central Shinden in the aristocratic residences. By this study I tried to indicate that the process shows tendency to create a private and an independent living space in the post imperial era. The treatise is organized in the following manner : Introduction Chap. 1 Kita-no-Tai in the Sekkan period. (1) Kita-no-Tai for the emperor's place. (2) Kita-no-Tai with other usage. Chap.2 Kita-no-Tai in the post imperial period. (1) The change of the function of Kita-no-Tai in the Satodairi. (2) Kita-no-Tai for the Nyobo-Tsubone (the room for court ladies). Conclusion

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Harumi Shibukawa accomplished in 1684 the first domestic calendar-reform, the Jyokyo Kaireki that enabled him to get the newly established post in the Tokugawa Shogunate, Tenmon-Kata, specializing in the calender making and astronomical observation. Though several studies have been made on the scientific achievement of Harumi in modern Japan, many of them lack the synthetic approach to the astronomical knowledge at that time, paying little attention to such points as Nee-Confucianism and the social values in Pre-modern Japan. Jinzan Tani, a Confucian scholar who resided in Tosa and had long been eager to take astronomical lecture from Harumi, began in 1694 to correspond with Harumi in Yedo. He mastered all course of Harumi's astronomy in eight years and classified the correspondence under such topics as the reckoning adopted in Jyokyo calendar, the motion of the seven planets, the measuring longitudinal difference between Kyoto and Kagoshima, the phenomena of solar and lunar eclipse and Shintoism. He also compiled some books or rolls. Analysis of these records leads us to understand how the astronomical knowledge was transmitted in the beginning of the 18th century in Japan. Harumi's lecture covered not only the scientific measurements of the time and space but also the metaphysical importance of the pursuit of universe. Also we can see Harumi was under the influence of the thought of Ansai Yamazaki, who had sterted as a Zhuzi Confucian and later formed the Suika-Shintoism that advocated perfect correlation of the Heaven and the Ground. Harumi's pupils transmitted both the astronomical technologies and the knowledge of the Suika-Shintoism to the people in their home country. They contributed much to the education of natural sciences and moralities in the provinces.

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"Honogotoki-itchoya" had the symmetrical composition. It means the ideal type of Shinden Style Residence. The original from of Shinden Style Residence was found in The composition which was formed by four buildings (Jiju-den, Ryoki-den, Seiryo-den and Jonei-den) of Heijo Imperial Palace.

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1)康和2年(1100)および保元2年(1157)に再建された平安宮仁寿殿は, ともに母屋(桁行七間・梁行四間)の四面に庇を付けた東西九間, 南北六間の平面規模をもつ建物と推察される。このうち南・北両庇は孫庇の形式であり, 架構上, 仁寿殿は七間四面(桁行九間・梁行四間)の主屋に南・北両面孫庇を付けた形と考えられる。屋根は桧皮葺入母屋造りで, 特に四隅の庇は角庇の形式とし一段低い屋根をかけていたらしい。『大内裏図考証』に考定されている平安宮仁寿殿の規模, 形態は康和・保元両度の仁寿殿に大略認めることができるが, 母屋(桁行七間・梁行四間)部分の平面構成は後者と大分異なる。『大内裏図考証』には仁寿殿の母屋中央一間に南北行の馬道を考定している。しかし, 管見ではそれを裏付ける史料は認められなかった。むしろ平安後期の記録によると, 康和・保元両度の仁寿殿は母屋中央に桁行三間・梁行四間の広さをもつ大室がとられ, それを中心に母屋部分は東西に大きく三つの隔が構成されていたと考えられる。中央の大室は南面南庇との境に妻戸三戸, 東西両面に妻戸および連子窓(壁上連子), 北面に妻戸および壁をたてていた。また大室東側の母屋桁行二間・梁行四間部分は妻戸などをたて一室を構成していたと思われる。大室西側の母屋桁行二間・梁行四間部分は中央に方二間の室を設けていた。この室は南面に格子をたて, 北面を壁とする。方二間の室の南側二ケ間は観音供の本尊を安置した念誦堂と推定される。なお, 康和・保元両度の仁寿殿は母屋に天井を張っていた。また母屋の内部一間毎に柱をたてていた可能性がある。2)康和・保元両度の仁寿殿にみられる平面規模および形態は, 基本的に, 応和1年(961)再建の平安宮仁寿殿にも認めることができる。応和以後の平安中期に再建された平安宮仁寿殿の建築については資料を欠いている。ただし, 天徳以後の度重なる平安宮内裏の造営において殿舎の数または殿舎寸法の高大を減ずべきこと, あるいは造営の過差を制すべきことが議せられたのは長保3年(1001)罹災後の内裏造営の時である。平安宮内裏の建物には, その後の再建造営において規模の変更が伝えられるものがある。けれども, 仁寿殿については応和および康和・保元の各期の建物にほぼ同一の平面規模と形態が認められるので, 平安中期の仁寿殿は前期の規模, 形態をほぼ踏襲して再建されたと推測される。なお, 平安中期までの平安宮仁寿殿は母屋に天井が張られなかったらしい。

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橘俊綱は, 11世紀後半修理大夫として作庭をはじめとする土木工事に精通し, それが故の自負心から白河上皇面前で上皇自らの作庭である鳥羽殿を退けてまで当時の名園の選定を行なった人物である。本研究では, 彼が選定した庭園の位置比定を行い, それらの立地環境を分析する中で彼が選定の基準とした「眺望」「地形」の性格について明らかにする。

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Chapter 1 The use of gates Higashi-sanjoden, Sanjo-karasumaden and Oiden Chapter 2 The transition of the use of gates in the time of Satodairi. Conclusion

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The aim of this paper is to show whether Shishinden of Heian-Dairi, built in 794, had kept most of the original structures without going through any substantial remodeling until the first fire in 960, by the re-examination of records related to the repairs of Heian-Dairi from 794 to 960. In this paper, Part II, the records of repairs of Heian-Dairi which were undergone after 876 are examined. The results obtained from this study are as follows. 1. Heian-Dairi underwent repairs in 816, 832, and 842. Each repairs extended over several months. 2. There is a good possibility that large-scale repairs of Heian-Dairi were undergone from 863 to 65, including the reconstruction of Seiryoden and Jijuden. 3. The interior of Shishinden might be furnished at the end of the 9th century. 4. The following are chief records from the end of the 9th century to 960 related to the repairs of Heian-Dairi : the destruction of Shigeisha in 915, the repairs of Seiryoden in 931, the repairs of Ryokiden and Unmeiden in 938, the destruction of Kokiden in 944, the reconstruction of Seiryoden in 948. Those repairs or reconstruction seem to have been limited to the respective buildings only, and they have not been extended to all over the Heian-Dairi. From the facts mentioned above, studies on the architecture of the Heian-Dairi in the early period require consideration from at least two distinct periods-before and after 865.

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Jyonei-den, located in the center of Kou-kyu, was primarily built for the Empress's private life in the Heian-Dairi. At the beginning of the Heian period Jyonei-den was used as a building for the Empress's or Empress Dowager's private life, and the Emperor very rarely took his residence at Jyonei-den. After the reign of the Emperor Daigo, however, Kouki-den or Hikyo-sha took the place of Jyonei-den as a building for the Empress's or Empress Dowager's private life. Jyonei-den rebuilt in the middle and late Heian period was used mainly as Gosechi-dokoro. The form of Jyonei-den in the early Heian period seems to have been comparatively well followed by those rebuilt in the middle and late Heian period. The original Jyonei-den was built on the platform. Its main building, 9 ken in keta-yuki and 4 ken in hari-yuki in plane size, had Mago-bisashi on the south side or on both the north and south sides. This style of Jyonei-den was nearly followed by those rebuilt in 961, 1100 and 1157. As for the construction of the interior space of Jyonei-den in the early Heian period, Hino-omashimicho was placed in the east section of Moya (the main part of the building) with the central bay, or Gaku-no-ma. Yoru-no-otodo is supposed to have been placed in the west section of the main building. This style of construction of the interior space was followed by Jyonei-den rebuilt in 961. When Jyonei-den in the Heian-Dairi was rebuilt in 981, Me-do (a corridor) was made to run through the Gaku-no-ma, the center of Jyonei-den, north and south. From the records in those days it has come to be proved that on the west side of Me-do Jyonei-den had a room called Nuri-gome in which Cho-dai was laid for the purpose of Chodai-no-kokoromi on Go-sechi, and that another Cho-dai was set in the section of Moya on the east side of Me-do. These can safely be considered to have transmitted Yoru-no-otodo (Nuri-gome), Yoruno-otodo-chodai, and Hino-omashi-chodai, with which Jyonei-den was furnished at the beginning of the Heian period. From the description of Unzu-shou and Kouke-shidai, it is also comfirmed that Jyonei-den rebuilt in 1100 followed this style of construction of the interior space. From the facts mentioned above, it may be said that we can know much about the original form of Jyonei-den from the plan described in Unzu-shou. Especially it would be worthy of note that the room, 3 ken in keta-yuki and 4 ken in hari-yuki, on the west of Me-do in that plan is much alike in form to the central large room of Jijuden in Heian Dairi, and supposed to have taken over the form of Yoru-no-otodo of Jyonei-den in the early Heian period.

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