第二次世界大戦後，外国人労働者を多数受け入れた欧州では，移民関連の問題が次第に深刻化していった．そのような問題のなかに，移民の宗教的価値観と受入国の社会制度との間で生じる文化摩擦がある．この文化摩擦の深刻度やその現象形態は国によって異なる．本稿の目的は，西洋先進国において移民と受入国社会の制度との間で宗教が関連する文化摩擦の現象形態や深刻度が異なる要因について探ることであった．まず，先行研究を検討し，移民の所属階層の差異や，移民の宗教が受入国の主流派宗教とどの程度異なるか，移民の宗教儀礼が公共空間の振る舞いに関わるか否かといったことが，重要な要因であることを確認した．さらに，西洋先進国におけるムスリム女性のヴェール論争を事例に，先行研究を資料とした国家比較から，ある程度一般化可能な構図を導出した．その構図によれば，この問題に関して，移民側の要因としては宗教が，受入国側の要因としては経路依存的に作られた制度，アイデンティティ，多数派宗教が重要な役割を演じる．これらの要因の相互作用のなかで，政治化された文化摩擦の現象形態や深刻度が国によって異なる様相を帯びる．最後に，この構図の有効性の一端を示す目的で，ムスリムとの文化摩擦をいかに解決すべきかを論じたドイツの学者の思想を，構図を用いて分析した．

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グローバル化という世界的な変化の流れを考えれば，日本社会の目指す方向は「多様性に寛容な，ゆるやかな結束性を持つ社会」であろう．そこでの「新しい学習・教育」を考えた時，言語研究者には何ができるだろうか．本稿ではドイツや欧州評議会で展開されている「民主的シティズンシップ教育」に「新しい学習・教育」としての可能性を見出す．その上で，それをただ模倣するのではなくローカライズすることが重要であり，それを行えば，民主的シティズンシップ教育はさまざまな場面や手法で実践が可能であることを述べる．そして，多様な他者と「対話」を通して主体的に関わる活動の例を挙げ，「民主的シティズンシップ教育」が有する「新しい学習・教育」としての可能性を論じる．

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In this paper, I confirmed the meaning of the social movements in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau from the perspectives and by the methods of the Constitutional Studies.

First, the concept of “sovereignty” has various meanings. Usually, sovereignty is used as (1) absoluteness of the state power, (2) ultimate decision-making authority of national policies, and (3) the ruling power of the state. While the external part of sovereignty, the absoluteness of the state, was focused in “Sunflower Movement” (Taiwan), the internal part of sovereignty, the ultimate decision-making power, was focused in “Umbrella Movement” (Hong Kong). However, in the “anti-hefty retirement benefits for high-rank government officials’ movement” (Macau) did not involve sovereignty issues in the first place.

Second, Bruce Ackerman proposed the “Dualist Democracy” theory, and distinguished the political processes between “Normal Politics” and “Constitutional Politics”. Because of the Cold War in East Asia and the “rising China” as super power, Taiwan and Hong Kong are still carrying on their “Constitutional Politics”.

Third, it is said that the “narrative” of the constitution is important in order to confirm and inherit the identity of the nation and the ethnic groups. None of “Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region”, “Basic Law of the Macau Special Administrative Region”, and “The Constitution of the Republic of China” carries a functional narrative in this regard.

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本稿の目的は，スカーフ論争（Kopftuchstreit）の分析を通して，揺れ動く現代ドイツの規範的自己理解の一端を浮かび上がらせることにある．ドイツのスカーフ論争は，公的学校において教師が授業時にスカーフを着用することを禁止すべきか否かを焦点に，2003年９月の連邦憲法裁判所判決を契機に，広く公共において展開されることになった．論争は，禁止を求める陣営とそれに反対する陣営という単純な対立を超えた多様な立場へと分裂している．しかし同時に，ドイツは宗教的・世界観的に中立的な国家であり，自由と民主主義を基本価値に統合された社会であるとする自己理解が，その共通の地平となっている．この理解はナチズムの克服を背景とした歴史的なものであるが，論争ではその内実が問い直されている．ここに論争は，ドイツの「戦後社会」の揺らぎを映し出すことになっている．論争の帰趨はなお定かでない．しかし，その行方が少なくともドイツにとって瑣末な問題でありえないことは，現時点において確言することができる．

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In this paper, on the 30th anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, I reexamined the connection and disconnection between the modern constitutionalism in western Europe and the Chinese constitution (thought and system). The constitutional review was employed as the focal point in this discussion.

First, the constitutional review has two meanings: the protection of human rights and the protection of constitutional order. The constitutional review is one of the crucial elements of constitutionalism. Its system and operation are a measure of realization and retention of the constitutionalism.

Second, the Chinese constitution enacted in 1982 was based on the bitter experiences of the Cultural Revolution. In order to protect human rights and constitutional order, various discussions were held to decide what kind of constitutional review system was to be established. Furthermore, the Chinese government and CCP rejected the judicial review and chose their own version of constitutional review that is carried out by the People’s Congress.

Finally, there is a gulf between the modern constitutionalism in western Europe and the Chinese constitution. The Chinese constitution imposes the duty of upholding and abiding by the constitution not only to the government but also to its citizens. At the same time, it is reluctant to ensure the relativity of individuals’ values. At the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, the Chinese government and CCP criticized the students and intellectuals for joining the protest and openly violating the constitution. This accusation symbolizes the gap between the modern constitutionalism in western Europe and the Chinese constitution.

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In modern society, the scene where a state participates in freedom of expression positively is seen not infrequently. For example, there is support about exhibition of a fine-arts worek, and subsidy aiming at promotion of media art, such as a movie. In oder to promote expression, when the assistance and the support by the state are made, by law, to a receiver, conditions are attached oe selection by the state is made from two or more proposers. Traditional Freedom of expression principle has been chiefly aimed at the positive regulation by the state.For example, they are penal regulations or prior restraint. However, how should the relation between freedom of expression and state be considered by assistance which is not so? This report introduces the argument in the court case and the theory in the United States, and considers the problem of Government-Funded Speech.

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　This paper examines the restriction on constitutional rights. Even if constitutional rights are established, laws which override the protection granted by such rights may be required. But, to allow such laws, some matters must be prescribed in constitution. Those matters include authorizing the power to pass bills which override constitutional rights to Congress, limiting the contents of such bills, and providing vote rules used to pass such bills. People, who are in a position to amend constitution and want to allow such laws, will consider these matters in such a way that reduce so-called interdependence cost.

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This paper is based on two viewpoints-ideological theory and freedom of expression-and on an analysis of the argument raised after the Japan Epileptic Association denounced Kadokawa Publishing for publishing a textbook carrying a work of literature titled "Non-human Police" by Yasutaka Tsutsui. The association, which also denounced Tsutsui, reasoned that "Non-human Police" would spread prejudice against epileptics. Following the method of discourse analysis, this paper discusses how the notion of "freedom of expression" is challenged by the discourses from those who argue that discriminatory works should be eliminated from the public sphere.

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the theoretical possibilities for judicial review by arguing the influence and implication of social choice theory.
  There are three schools of thought concerning this issue. First, scholars such as William Riker consider the negative implication of Arrow's theorem against populism, and defend the normative validity of judicial review. Second, social choice theorists such as Amartya Sen study the mathematical formulas of constitutional choice. Third, scholars such as Cristian List have recently defended the normal validity of judicial review as one solution to discursive dilemma.
  This paper supports the third scholar, as his thinking can clarify the fundamental character of judicial review. However, List's perspective can only justify the normative validity of judicial review, without formalizing it. The paper concludes with examples of further possibilities for the application of List's arguments.

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