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  • 中山 玄雄
    東洋音楽研究
    1954年 1954 巻 12-13 号 199-200
    発行日: 1954/10/30
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 太田 能壽
    大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1940年 48 巻 573 号 433-434
    発行日: 1940/09/01
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大森 昌衛
    地学教育と科学運動
    2005年 50 巻 21-24
    発行日: 2005/12/01
    公開日: 2018/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 武一郎
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1973年 68 巻 7 号 493-498
    発行日: 1973/07/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    大隅風土記にあらわれた口がみ酒, 播磨風土記にあらわれた徽酒, 丹後風土記における天女の酒造りを中心に諸家の説を紹介しながら, わが国古代の民衆のなかに生れた酒の姿を追求する。
  • 飯本 信之
    地学雑誌
    1935年 47 巻 7 号 307-317
    発行日: 1935/07/15
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 是澤 恭三
    日本學士院紀要
    1956年 14 巻 3 号 133-196
    発行日: 1956年
    公開日: 2007/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤岡 謙二郎
    人文地理
    1971年 23 巻 6 号 581-595
    発行日: 1971/12/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ancient Otsu-Kyo was established by the Emperor Tenji on the southwest of Lake Biwa in 667 A.D.. The capital remained there for only five years until it was transfered to Asuka in the Nara basin. Regarding the scale or the accurate location of the Otsu-Kyo site, we have not obtained any accepted opinion in spite of much discussion by the historian Dr. Sadakichi Kita and many other scholars for over the past 50 years. Owing to the excavation of the site of the Sufuku-ji Temple, however, which is said to have been built by Tenji in the northwest of the capital, it has become unquestionable that the capital was situated somewhere around Shigasato, a little to the north of present Otsu City. Besides, in prewar days Dr. Jiro Yonekura, a historical geographer, considered this palace site to have adopted the Jori system of one cho (109m) square itself, but did not clarfy its scale. It is after the war, in particular, that old capitals of almost the same period, e.g., Fujiwara-Kyo (694-709 A.D.) in the Nara basin and Naniwa-Kyo (652-686 A.D.) in the Uemachi upland of Osaka, have been increasingly unearthened and that researches into the Jori or the Jobo allotment have been pursued accordingly under historico-geographical methods.
    The present writer investigated in this paper the reason why in the region south of Lake Biwa, the Jori pattern of its western part where Otsu-Kyo had been built was found extending exactly north and south, in contrast with that of the eastern par following natural inclinationons by the lake. The author then proved that the land of the western part in question had been allotted as an extension of the Jori of Kinai districts, such as the western Kyoto and Yarnashina basins. Furthermore, it was found out that, as shown by the line AB in Fig. 1, the summit line about 500 meters high, leading to the south of Mt. Hiei, had been chosen as the north-south basic line, and that the line CD passing through Mt. Gyoja (440.6m) at a right angle to it, as the eastwest basic line. In Otagi-gun of Kyoto, namely, ancient Yamashiro province, there lay 15 jos from south to north, which has turned out to be also the case in Shiga-gun of ancient Omi province where Otsu-Kyo was placed.
    In the second section, it was estimated that Otsu-Kyo was half as large as the early Naniwa-Kyo. To put it concretely, the capital formed a rectangle with the 10 cho (1090m) east-west side and the 15 cho (1635m) northsouth side, in the center of which there was a palace area of 5 cho (545m) square. In addition, the length of one bo was not equal to 360 shakus (109m) of the Jori system, but to 450 shakus (136m) of the urban Jori system. There were four bos recognized symmetric as in Fig. 3, as well as the main street running in the middle of the palace site.
    Thus, the author regarded Otsu-Kyo as having been reorganized into the Jobo system, on the basis of the former Jori pattern. This study was made by means of the measurement of land pattern in Otsu-Kyo and the survey of the distribution of land names (Koaza) or of other micro land forms.
    Although the duration of Otsu-kyo was no longer than 5 years, its city plan was carried out so completely that not only various official buildings but storehouses, schools and temples were also constructed. Moreover, the location of Otsu-kyo fell in with a starting point of the old Hokuriku Road. It occupied a very important place, inview of both land and water transportation, viz., with the roads leading to Kyoto, Asuka and Naniwa and with the outports, Karasaki and Hamaotsu on the lakeside, to utilize rivers such as the Uji and the Kizu.
  • 淀川流域をめぐって
    佐野 静代
    人文地理
    1995年 47 巻 2 号 131-154
    発行日: 1995/04/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    With this study I would like to clarify the range and social stratification of political territories in ancient Japan (Kofun Period). Since I think that the extent of irrigation reflects the range of the territory of a powerful clan, and that the dispersion of the ancient tombs (Kofun) shows the movement of such a clan, I decided to analyze the relation between the position of ancient tombs and irrigation area. I focused on the situation in the Yodo River Basin. In addition, I investigated the regional structure and the formative process of the Kinai-Region, which consisted of various socially stratified territories. Through my research it became clear to me that there were three different kinds of territories in the ancient Yodo Valley. The Basin of the Yodo River was divided into more than thirty fundamental units lead by local heads. Among those heads there were four powerful leaders who ruled over several uni-fied fundamental units. Their territories ranked above that of the local heads. But it seems that the Yodo River Basin, as a whole, was a unified territory ranking highest.
    In conclusion, I think that one can distinguish three different ranks of territory in the Yodo River Basin. Furthermore, I conclude that this Yodo Valley, together with the Yamato Valley constituted the Kinai-Region. It is said that the Kinai-Region was the territory under the direct rule of the Yamato sovereign. Indeed, originally the area under the direct supervision of Yamato rulers was only the Yamato Valley. But in 5th Century the Yodo Valley was incorporated and at this time the spatial structure of the Kinai-Region took shape. So, although one usually assumes that the Kinai-Region is the central region which surrounded the capital city of the Japanese ancient nation in 7th century, I think that the prototype of its spatial structure had already been completed in the 6th Century.
  • 『観光の近江』に掲載された名所との関わりに着目して
    永瀬 節治
    都市計画論文集
    2019年 54 巻 2 号 114-123
    発行日: 2019/10/25
    公開日: 2019/10/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス

    本研究は、1930年代に「遊覧都市」を標榜した大津市および周辺地域における都市計画と観光資源の実質的な関係性を明らかにするものである。1920年代までの鉄道等の交通網の形成と観光振興の動向を整理し、大津都市計画における街路網計画と風致地区の全体像を既往研究や関連史料をもとに概括した上で、同時期に滋賀県が発行した観光案内書『観光の近江』に記載された名所の分布と、街路網計画および風致地区との空間上の関係を地形図上で分析した。主要な知見として、第一に、街路網は観光資源相互を結節するとともに、公共交通機関利用後の徒歩による観光資源へのアクセスを改善する形で配置された。第二に、都市計画街路は風致地区内に存在する大半の社寺や景勝地等へのアクセスを向上させ、風致地区の公園的利用と文化財の観光資源化を促すよう計画されていたと考えられる。

  • 日本古代氏族伝承の様態に関する一考察
    生田 敦司
    洛北史学
    2005年 7 巻 23-44
    発行日: 2005/06/04
    公開日: 2024/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    古代豪族ワニ氏は『古事記』『日本書紀』に多くの伝承を残している。それにもかかわらず、記紀の成立した八世紀初めまでには、ワニ氏を称する人物が著しい活動を残した記録や形跡はうかがえない。このようなワニ氏の研究は、岸俊男氏の功績が大きい。その後、ワニ氏について研究者が触れるとき、多くは岸説に依拠し無批判な状況が多い。岸説自体、なお検討の余地を残すものである。 ワニ氏は物語・皇統譜とも伝承の素材となる核を有し、複数の伝承に分散する形で定着した。物語伝承と皇統譜を区別してみた場合、ワニ氏の人名は物語と皇統譜で重複しない。 皇統譜の人名はワニ氏後裔といわれる春日氏とも重複し、記紀に残るワニ氏伝承を負担したのは春日臣出会ったと推測する。春日氏はワニ氏との同族化、氏の省長の歴史的背景によってワニ氏の伝承を荷担したと考えられる。ワニ氏が春日氏に名を換え氏が存続したものではない。 氏族伝承は旧来よりの伝統を誇示するという政治的目的で存在した。これは長い歴史の中で社会や政治構造が変革し伝承荷担者が変化しても、氏族集団の帰属を主張する一翼を担った。
  • 地理学評論
    1957年 30 巻 12 号 1147-1187,1_1
    発行日: 1957/12/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
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