Matsuo is considered to have been a hardy walker. The present study was conducted to examine ’s walking ability in detail, focusing on his travels in Okunohosomichi. Kawai Sora accompanied on his trip, and this study drew upon Sora Tabinikki, which were notes left by Sora, as a basic historical document. The results obtained were as follows.
　1. walked a total distance of 1728.1km, covering an average of 28.3km per day. The distance he walked in a day was mainly around 20–30km. On days when walked for a longer distance, he walked up to 40–50km. However, a look at the distance walked indicates that ’s walking ability was inferior to that of an average traveler of the early modern period (an average male).
　2. maintained a certain pace over the course of his journey. Each day, he walked at an average speed of 3–4km for about 5 to 8 hours. The upper limit of the distance walked was about 50km a day, but that was a typical distance for people of the early modern period.
　3. Records of a trip from Tohoku to Ise during the same period as ’s trip and records of a trip from Edo to Tohoku along a similar route 88 years after ’s trip were examined. The results indicated that the distance walked in a day during both of those trips far exceeded that walked in a day by .
　4. ’s age (46 years) meant that he was an older traveler for the early modern period, but walked at a certain pace from start to finish despite stifling heat, rainy weather, and changes in the lengths of days depending on the season.
　5. encountered dangerous sites along the way. At times, he walked in dunes where he lost his footing in the sand, he looked nervously at mountain passes that were said to be impassible, and he traversed dangerous shorelines pounded by angry waves with the weather’s help.
　These findings indicate that ’s walking ability was inferior to that of average people of the early modern period in terms of distance, but it was not affected by the weather or season. maintained a certain pace despite occasional dangers along the way. This is what distinguishes ’s walking ability.

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日本と中国の鎖国から開国への「巨時代」の激動的な流れの中で、西田幾多郎と牟宗三は、各自の伝統の視点から「歴史」について批判的で詳細に検討してい る。彼らは西洋哲学を受け入れながら、禅と儒教を含めた「東洋」の伝統的な思想を用い、それぞれの哲学的運動を導いている。疑いもなく、両者の「歴史」に おいての理解の中に政治的、経済的、文化的差異が含まれている。しかし、両者 は「歴史」についての考察と同じように、一つの方法論として、「理性」を強調 している。西田にとっては、「歴史」を考察する際、西洋と日本との間に、それ ぞれの「特殊性」が意図的に強調されるべきではなく、普遍的な「論理」あるい は厳密なる学問的方法が認識されるべきである、ということである。牟にとって は、歴史における「理性」は「事理」(shili, the logic of events)であり、その「事」 (shi, events)は「物理的事」(wulideshi, physical events)ではなく、「人事」(renshi, human affairs)であり、その「理」(li, logic)は人事の意味を示すも のである、ということである。「理」というのは「辯證的理」(bianzhengde li, dialectic logic)や「辯證的直観」(bianzhengde zhiguan, dialectic intuition)と して理解されなければならない、と牟は考えている。本稿では、両者が「理性」 と「歴史」とをどのように関係づけるのか、また、「理性」が西田と牟のそれぞ れの「歴史哲学」をどのように引き出すのか、ということについて検討したい。 圧倒的多数の西洋と日本、あるいは西洋と中国についての比較研究に加えて、東アジアにおける日本と中国の哲学的対話に潜まれた可能性と問題性について考察 する時期がきたことを示したい。

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Both as a source of fertilizer and coal and as a destination for peasants and samurai migrating to flee poverty, Hokkaido in the second half of the nineteenth century played a large role in the development of the Japanese economy. This paper will examine the structural changes of a key industry in late nineteenth century Hokkaido, the fishing industry. From this analysis, a few observations will then be made on the characteristics of primitive capital accumulation in Japan.

During the Edo period, the fishing industry in Hokkaido operated under the

-ukeoi system. Influential merchants, known as

basho

-ukeoi merchants, held exclusive fishing and trade rights in the Ezo area. However, at the end of the Tokugawa period, many Japanese fishermen moved into Ezo and began to undermine the

basho

-ukeoi merchants' monopoly on fishing and trade. With the Meiji Restoration, the Ezo fisheries were freed from the control of the

basho

-ukeoi merchants. The number of Japanese fishermen continued to grow in the Meiji period. Despite losing their franchise, the former

basho

-ukeoi merchants continued to be influential fishermen and merchants in Hokkaido.

Due to Matukata Deflation, many of the Japanese fishermen in Hokkaido accumulated debts with these merchants and were eventually forced to sell them their fisheries. On the other hand, fishermen who remained independent from the merchants were able to expand their operations during this period by buying up a large number of fisheries. In the 1890s, these fishermen and merchants gained a monopolistic control of the fisheries in Hokkaido.

Later, these two groups became the source of capital for local dealers in Hokkaido. Thus, in Hokkaido, there were two routes by which industrial capitalists appeared: former

-ukeoi merchants who changed their activities after losing their monopolistic rights in the Meiji period, and fishermen who were able to expand their operations during a time when economic hardship was causing a differentiation in the peasantry. In particular, the route followed by the

basho

-ukeoi merchants differs from the one widely viewed as the typical route to capitalism followed by the Seisho, who became industrial capitalists with the support of the government. It should be noted that outside the major industrial centers, primitive capital accumulation took place without govemment support or protection.

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It is widely acknowledged that, with the idea of ‘’, Nishida Kitaro had succeeded in establishing his original ‘Nishida philosophy’. Nishida arrived at the idea of ‘’ as ‘that which is predicate but never subject’ by inverting the Aristotelian concept of ‘substance’, i.e. ‘that which is subject but never predicate’. Moreover, according to Nishida, this ‘’ is the ‘conscious consciousness’ that underlies judgments. Nishida’s originality lies in this turn towards the predicate. However, the attempt to understand the nature of cognition through the relation between the subject and predicate of a judgment was itself not uncommon. At that time, a number of philosophers engaged with what was called ‘epistemological logic’ that emphasized the role of judgment and sought to connect cognition and logic within judgments. Indeed, in “From the Acting to Seeing”in which the essay ‘’ is compiled, Nishida refers to Bernard Bosanquet who is one of such philosophers. By confronting Bosanquet’s ideas, Nishida comes to view the true subject of the judgment in the direction of the predicate and consequently, comes to understand judgments as the determination of such predicate plane. This paper examines the way Nishida formulates his ideas vis-à-vis the problematics of his contemporaries. More specifically, it attempts to clarify the influence of‘epistemological logic’ on Nishida’s idea of the ‘logic of ’ by considering Bosanquet’s influence on Nishida.

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This paper attempts to show the characteristics of Tiantai’s perfect teaching(yuanjiao)in Nishida’s philosophy of . This is an alternative to a certain type of Nishida interpretation that emphasizes influences from Huayan Buddhism and the Awakening of Faith in Nishida’s metaphysics, especially in his later notion of absolutely contradictory identity. These Buddhist doctrines as well as Yogācāra Buddhism are classified by Tiantai Buddhism as distinctive teaching(biejiao), not perfect teaching. This paper clarifies that the characteristics of the theory of cannot be found in distinctive teaching although Nishida’s theory of cognitive act indeed shows similarities to Yogācāra Buddhism. Following Mou Zongsan’s(1909―95)and Andō Toshio’s(1909―73)interpretation, I argue that Tiantai Buddhism, in its elucidation of the ontological stratum as the envelopment of cognitive act, has the same metaphysical structure as that found in Nishida’s logic of , which further crystallizes into the principle of contradictory identity.

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　On the verge of death, Matsuo

(1644-1694) professed that his lifelong dedication to literature had been nothing more than an evil obsession hindering the devotion to Buddhism. His last haiku “On a journey, ill, and over fields all withered, dreams go wandering still” (trans. by Harold Henderson) has been interpreted from that point of view, which emphasizes the conflict between the Buddhist moral and his artistic idea of the Fuga.

　A close reading of

’s texts, however, shows that there is also a paradox intrinsic to the idea of Fuga itself. Fuga means the attitude of creating pure natural beauty pervading in life, not limited to works of art. As a pure “natural” effect is obtained only as result of high artificial endeavour, and as Fuga is to be taken as a whole way of life, there arises an inconsistency in the concept of Fuga.

　When we interpret

’s last haiku from that standpoint, his dilemma turns out to have a close relation with the philosophy of Chuang-tzu, and of modern art, especially objet d’art, whereas the prevalent reading from a Buddhist point of view only has a limited historical scope. My grammatical and linguistic analysis of ’s haiku conducted in accordance with the idea outlined here will lead to the rejection of almost all of the present translations of the haiku, including that of Henderson quoted above.

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