During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the British West faced intense pressure for reforms. The political upheavals of the French Revolution in Europe and the Haitian Revolution in the Caribbean strongly required the elites of the British government and the British West to take action to secure their territory and social stability of home and the colonies. The French colonies abolished slavery under the revolutionary government, which deeply concerned the elites in the British West . They were keen on maintaining social order and the economic system based on slavery, as the colonies had an unusual social structure in which a few white elites governed a large population of enslaved black or coloured individuals. This paper reconsiders the relationship between the British home and its West between the 1790s and the 1800s. It focuses on two key reforms implemented by the British government during this time: the gradual abolition of the slave trade and the recruitment of black soldiers in the West regiments. While previous research has emphasized the conflict between the British government and the interests of the West Indian colonies, this study shows that the elites in the West maintained relatively positive relations with the home government despite their strong opposition to arming the black population. Although the recruitment of black soldiers was a strategic military move from the perspective of the British government, this move was deeply controversial for the colonial elites in the West . They regarded it as a potential threat of uprisings among the enslaved population and as potentially destabilizing for a society built on the subjugation of enslaved Africans. However, the strong opposition from local colonial elites should be understood more nuancedly. The policymakers in recruiting black soldiers also promoted the gradual abolition of the slave trade. They did not intend to damage the West society but tried to keep the prosperity of the British West as much as possible. The case study of the upheaval of black soldiers in British Dominica illustrates that the metropolitan and the colonial governments maintained cooperation despite the conflict between them. By examining the process and results of establishing the West regiment and the gradual abolition of the slave trade, this paper illustrates how the British government introduced new policies while maintaining relations between the home and the colonies. Despite significant opposition from the colonies and the British government's policy failure to the uprising of black soldiers, home-colonial relations were kept in a complex and often contentious way during the period.

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This paper aims to give a brief overview of Dutch colonialism by focusing on the Regeringsreglement, regarded as the basic law of the East . Close attention is paid to article 109 of the Regeringsreglement. This article provided the basis for racial criteria, dividing the inhabitants of the East into “European” and “Inlander,” a division which had great influence in determining the features of colonial government in its legal, administrative, and social aspects.
 The Regeringsreglement became law in 1885 as a result of constitutional revision in the Netherlands in 1848. The revision, guided by J. R. Thorbecke, a prominent liberal who later led three cabinets, established a governing principle based on the rule of law. This principle, constitutionalism, introduced certain political rights such as freedom of press and association and direct voting. This was a fundamental change in policy that affected the guiding principles of government not only in the motherland, but also in the East . The rule of law defines the limits of government power over inhabitants by demarcating a line between the public and private spheres. A constitutional colonial government would not be able to use its power arbitrary, as it had in the past.
 However, all inhabitants could not equally exercise rights in the East . Those categorized as Inlander had to obey adat law. European, i. e. Dutch, law was only applied to those regarded as European. Article 109 of the Regeringsreglement denoted who belonged to the category European and who did not, thus creating the legal concepts “European” and “Inlander” which became the basis of the dual legal structure of the East . In other words, colonial society came to be organized in terms of the Dutch legal order.
 There was another reason to introduce article 109. Debates at the time revealed the responsible parliamentary committee’s serious objections to the religion-based equalization of Inlander and European Christians. It was mainly for political reasons that religious criteria were abandoned. As Christian Inlanders would not be subject to the burdens of the culture system if granted equal status with Europeans, the committee demanded the government drop the religious criteria. This in turn meant a fundamental transformation in how people were perceived, religious criterion being replaced by national or racial criterion.
 As these legal categories penetrated colonial society, they provided a framework on which not only the Dutch but all the inhabitants of the colony relied. The term “Inlander” came to be seen as a passive word by the indigenous people of the East , who began to demand that the Dutch replace it with “Indonesian,” a term the colonial government would not allow to be used officially until the end of the Japanese occupation.

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In 1912 and 1913,the Indische Partij propagated not only nationalism and independent “national existence” based on the territorial principle but also citizenship, that is, equal citizenship for all persons who recognized the as their fatherland, regardless of race, class, sex or ethnicity. The party had attracted strong support among the Indo-Europeans, that is, people of mixed native and the European blood. But after the government refused to recognize the party as legal organization and exiled three of its leaders to the Netherlands, the once-enthusiastic support disappeared without leading to social disorder. In 1919,the Indo-Europeesch Verbond (Indo-European Union) or IEV was established and soon developed into the leading organization of Indo-Europeans. The IEV, strongly oriented to the European blood, aimed to promote the social and economic interests of Indo-Europeans as a component of Dutch society in the .
 This change meant that Indo-Europeans abandoned nationalism based on the territorial principle and attempted to assimilate themselves with the Dutch based on blood orientation. Apart from the political situation, especially the surge of native nationalism and the emergence of political parties that accompanied the opening of the Volksraad (National Council) in 1918,this shift of political attitude by the Indo-Europeans was also affected very much by the change of their socio-economic position.
 Their social position through their long history was not fixed. In the 19th century, many of them were impoverished lower clerks. The major factor in their inability to compete with the totok, the Dutch newcomers, was their inferior education. As their poverty worsened towards the end of that century, anti-Netherlands sentiment among them grew stronger. This sentiment was channeled into nationalism and culminated in their tremendous support of the Indische Partij.
 But from the beginning of the 20th century, the socio-economic situation of the Indo-Europeans began to change drastically. Educational opportunities improved greatly under the Ethical Policy, although this benefitted the natives much more. The development of the economy and expansion of government services during the first three decades of the 20th century brought significant changes in the labor market for Indo-Europeans. These changes brought them to higher social status. From about the time of World War I, the majority of the Indo-Europeans came to constitute a middle class, and their competitors in the labor market were no longer the totok but the educated natives. At the same time, the upper stratum of Indo-Europeans began to assimilate completely with that of the Dutch. As far as the Dutch and the Indo-Europeans were concerned, the process of formation of social order in a so-called plural society was thus completed in the 1920s.

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This article takes a historical approach to the legal status of the Japanese in the Dutch East

with particular emphasis on the law making process. It is widely known that the Dutch government made a legal distinction between its colonial population as Europeans and “inlanders (natives).” The criterion of this distinction was that the concerned group could be regarded as either “civilized” or not. According to the law, the Japanese were classified as “inlanders” until the introduction of the Japanese Law.

However, as the navigation treaty between the Dutch and Japanese governments concluded in 1896, the Dutch government was confronted with whether or not to change the legal status of the Japanese in the East

. They subsequently enacted the so-called Japanese Law to elevate the Japanese from “inlanders” to quasi-Europeans. A parliamentary discussion regarding this law reveals the notion of civilization held by the law-makers and Dutch politicians. In addition, this article describes how the Japanese recognize this law in relation to its social significance in the East .

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This study focused on Hakka merchants in Batavia (now Jakarta) in the Dutch East , with the aim of examining their position within Chinese society, which has been overlooked in previous studies of Indonesian Chinese history. In addition, this study explored the characteristics of their economic activities across colonial territories and East Asia, including China and Japan. At the beginning of the 20th century, several Hakka merchants who were appointed Chinese officers by the colonial government played a major role in the Chinese nationalist movement. Their social status was based on the success of the trading business since the mid-19th century, and with the development of liberal economics and intra-Asian trade, they became wealthy merchants who established large trading houses in the Chinese quarter. They mainly handled inexpensive daily goods from China and Japan, and formed a distribution network that involved import, wholesaling, and retailing, and incorporated newcomers from their area in China. Their network predated the arrival of Japanese retailers and brought light industrial goods from East Asia to the local market in place of expensive European goods. In terms of political orientation, they were strong supporters of the Republic of China and Kuomintang. These Hakka leaders were clearly key actors in the mobilization of people, goods, money, and information that increasingly circulated throughout Asia. The influence of the Hakka Chinese merchants on Indonesian society was not insignificant, as they were active at a time when the Dutch East were being integrated into the international economy.

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