1. The fertility of the Edgeworthia fJapyrffera, which had been considered as selfsterile, was tested in the fQllowing way. a) Self pollinatiation was conducted with 2 different varieties, namely, "Kochl " and "Shizuoka-. " b) Both cross pollihation among the same variety and intra-specific, pollination bctween 2 different varieties, were darried out. Thus the relative fertility of each of the above mentioned groups was tested. 2. As the result of the test, it was found out that both of the above 2 varieties are sterile due to their self incompatibilities. 3. It may be ascribable to the cross pollination among the same variety that "Shizuokashu" has a good fruitsetting in the plantation. 4. "Kochi-" seldom bears fruit though itblooms. This is probably due to the fact that this is a variety of asexual propagation by suckers. Therfore, though cros pollination is made, the tre-es belong to the same clone and the result is sterility as in the case of self po1lination. 5. Intra-specifc pollination such as ("Kochishu" x "Smzuoka hu " "Shl'uoka " x "Kochi-") always results in good fr'ditsetting. But as "Kochi " blooms earlier than" Shl u oka-", there is little c'nance of a crossing comirg out though their plantations may be closs to each other. As a matter of course, therfore, their fertility is very low.

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Ume- (Japanese plum liqueur) was prepared by the conventional method in this study.
Nonvolatile organic acids of Ume- were separated by ion-exchange chromatography.
Analysis of the acids after butylation by gas chromatography led to the detection of eight components, two of which were benzoic and succinic acids not reported hitherto in Ume-.

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中国では， 目的とする薬効の向上や副作用低減を目的に， 大黄には主に酒製や蒸製の修治が施されてきた。 現在の 『中華人民共和国薬典』 には， 「酒大黄」 と称する酒炒 （酒を吹きかけた後に炙る） 品， 「熟大黄」 と称する酒蒸 （酒を吹きかけた後に蒸す） 品が収載されているが， 修治による効能変化についてはこれまで充分に研究されてこなかった。 本稿では， 本草考証研究と成分研究により熟大黄と酒大黄の本質を調査した。
熟大黄については， 本草考証研究によると， 解毒作用を期待した大黄は酒製の後に蒸したものではなく単に蒸したものであった。 一方， 成分研究から十分量の酒に浸した後に蒸したものは解毒作用が期待できると考えられる。 更に本修治により瀉下作用が低下すると判断できる。
次に酒大黄については， 金元代以降から酒炒品は駆血作用を期待して用いていたと考えられる。 本作用を有する修治大黄は酒を吹きかけた後に加熱して製するべきである。

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The TIANYUAN- "celestial element method" is the native algebra of China, the solution of higher degree equations with one unknown. In this method, the unknown is represented using "YUAN" (the element), the known term is represented using "TAI" (the taichi). This method was introduced into Japan through the work "SUAN-XUE QI-MENG" (Introduction to Mathematical Studies), written by Zhu Shi-jie in 1299. "SUAN-XUE QI-MENG" was first republished in Japan in 1658,but research into The TIANYUAN- began before this time. It is thought that Masakazu Hashimoto was the first mathematician studying this method in Japan. After the 1660s, descriptions concerning the TIANYUAN- started to appear in a few books written by Japanese mathematicians. Entering the 1680s, argument concerning the TIANYUAN- became vigorous in Japan. An argument between Yoshinori Isomura and Kiyoyuki Shibata attracted widespread attention. Isomura tried to understand the TIANYUAN- by drawing on his knowledge of Buddhism. He argued that the TIANYUAN- depends on another's power, while the mathematical methods before the TIANYUAN- depend on one's own power, and that the latter is preferable to the former. He thought that solving equations with the TIANYUAN- corresponds to praying to Amida Buddha. Shibata argued that there was something wrong with Isomura's thinking. A person with knowledge of Buddhism is not the same as one who knows how to employ the TIANYUAN (the heaven element), and the TIANYUAN- includes mathematical methods from before the system itself was developed. Isomura's thinking creates complications for beginners studying the TIANYUAN-. It was Masayuki Sato who first correctly used the TIANYUAN- in "Sanpo kongen ki" in 1666.

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“Chosen-”, Japanese semi native oil rape varieties of Brassica napus, derived from socalled “Seiyo-karashi”, a western oil rape plant, which was firstly planted by Mr. GORO ChO in Fukuoka Pref. in 1878. The ancestor of the Seiyo-karashi was estimated to be a special Swedish turnip rape introduced from U. S. A. in early of the Meiji era. The latter changed to the Chosen- probably by an interspecies cross with some native oil rapes of B. campestris.

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Large-scale virtualized data centers are increasingly becoming the norm in our data-intensive society. One pressing challenge is to reduce the energy consumption of servers while maintaining a high level of service agreement fulfillment. Due to the convenience of virtualization, virtual machine migration is an effective way to optimize the trade-off between energy and performance. However, there are obvious drawbacks in the current static threshold strategy for migration. This paper proposes a new decision strategy based on decision-theoretic rough sets. In the new strategy, the status of a server is determined by the Bayesian rough set model. The space is divided into positive, negative and boundary regions. According to this information, a migration decision with minimum risk will be made. This three-way decision framework in our strategy can reduce over-migration and delayed migration. The experiments in this paper show that this new strategy outperforms the benchmark examined. It is an efficient and flexible approach to the energy and performance trade-off in the cloud.

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Fawu's Shi moheyan lun zanxuan (Zanxuan ) is a commentary on the Shi moheyan lun and, with Zhifu's Shi moheyan lun tongxuan chao, occupies an important position as a work showing the high level of Liao Buddhism. But, in spite of its importance, there are extremely few studies about the Zanxuan .
This paper aims to clarify the concrete content of the Zanxuan and examines vol. 1, 2 concerning the influence of Huayan thought. This study is a starting point toward a general elucidation of Liao Buddhism.

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Ibn Sina begins to elaborate the problem of the self-consciousness (

shu

'ur bi-al-dhdt) in the later period of his philosophical career. Since this problem develops into one of the main subjects in his philosophical anthrolopology, this is indispensable to understand his anthrolopology in general. This paper tries to elucidate his theory mainly from two points of view. Namely, 1) the apriority of the self-consciousness and 2) the mind-body relation.
First, Ibn Sina clearly insists on its apriority in the discourse of “suspended man” (insan mu'allaq) and elaborates it epistemologically. But since the consciousness of the self-consciousness (

shu

'ur bi-al-

shu

-'ur) occurs only through the consciousness of others, its apriority must be considered not as empirical but as formal.
Second, the problem of mind-body relation can be considered as a part of the problem of substantiality of human mind. Ibn Sina argues that because the human mind is 'ego that uses this body' (ana musta'mil li-hadha al-badan), it cannot be physical. In this paper, I will examine the grounds of this argument.
In concluding remarks, I will mention that this theory contains some fundamental difficulties related to such problems as the relation between the self-consciousness and the intellection (ta'aqqul) and also as the possibility of the self-consciousness in animal beings.

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There was an organization in Puzurish-Dagan for the management of the livestock which was brought as tribute, offering, etc. by many people from the territories under the hegemony of the Ur III king. This organization kept a great many day-by-day records on brought (mu-túm) livestock. The form of the mu-túm text was altered in the 3rd year of -Sin. Coincidently, the whole system of mu-túm was reformed on a large scale in this year.
The purpose of mu-túm in the early period was mainly to serve the national pantheon, and then shifted to that of offerings made for the king's sake. I can assume that -Sin reformed the tributary system in order to reinforce his dominance over the territories.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics and issues of the preservation system for historic environments after - earthquake happened in Taiwan in 1999, by inspecting the amendment of the related laws on Cultural property Preservation. It explains by the following aspects. (1) The transition of preservation system for historic environments before - earthquake, (2) The response to the survey and renovation of damaged historic buildings and streets after the earthquake, (3) The amendments of the cultural property related laws, (4) The characteristics and issues of the cultural property related laws after - earthquake, (5) The current status. It could be said that the preservation system of historic environment is facing the following issues after earthquake:(1) Urgent and uncompleted amendments, (2) Introduction of historic building registration system, (3) The separated government departments in charge, etc. Consequently, it will remain to be discussed until the accomplishment of the latest amendment of cultural property law.

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In this paper, we made a detailed comparison of "Shaki-" between "Shoki-" and "Shomei" to analyze their substantial characteristics. The results are the following. 1) Both books have little technical difference. 2) Some descriptions found only in "Shoki-" are merely omitted in "Shomei", and "Shoki-" made no spetial alteration and addition. 3) Some descriptions found only in "Shomei" are classified in parts which "Shoki-" carelessly omitted and in parts which "Shomei" deliberately revised and added in later ages. 4) Those deliberate alterations were made with the systematization of "Shomei", which are evident in the change of composition order.

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In this paper I focus on Hojibo-Shoshin's study of the Renwang huguo boruojing . Shoshin often quotes this text in his Sandaibu-shiki (三大部私記). It is generally supposed that Guanding wrote the commentary according to Zhiyi's lectures. However, in fascicle 6 of the Hokkegengi-shiki (法華玄義私記), Shoshin denies the opinion that Guanding wrote the Renwang huguo boruojing and follows ideas from the Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo (註仁王護国般若波羅蜜経) attributed to Saicho instead. The Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo is almost identical with the Renwang huguo boruojing written by Jizang. On the assumption that Saicho copied Jizang's work, Shoshin opposes the Renwang huguo boruojing on the basis of this authorial issue. This is a good example to indicate Shoshin's intention to attach greater importance to the contents of the views than their author.

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In this study, we conducted a fact-finding investigation on the worship pattern and utilization of Da-

gong (a long-lived sacred tree) in Taichung City, Taiwan in order to consider how tree worship places should be passed down to next generations in East Asia. The study revealed that most Da- gongs are enshrined with Tu-di gong (a land god) in their sites and that the number of Da- gongs per urban village represents not much difference by district although urban areas are likely to have fewer Da- gongs than suburbans. In most of the sites where Da- gong is worshiped with Tu-di gong, their local administration committee has been doing daily maintenance activities, with the range of utilization broadened, and non-daily activities, such as festivals and feasts, with the utilization more active. Da- gong standing in a park managed by Taichung City offers a broader range of utilization forms and the tree itself is given great care for growth. Moreover, the study suggests that Da- gong can contribute to local communities environmentally, socially and economically. If an administration committee is responsible for maintaining a place of tree worship and collaborates with local governments in doing so, the place of tree worship would be more secured, and we could enhance its value environmentally, socially and economically.

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In this paper, we made a detailed comparison on corresponding items of "Toki-" between "Shoki-" and "Shomei" to analyze their substantial characteristics. The results are the following. 1)Both books have several slipped descriptions from their original text. 2)Some descriptions found only in "Shoki-" are merely forgotten and deliberately omitted in "Shomei", and "Shoki-" made no special alterations and additions. 3) Some descriptions found only in "Shomei" are classified in those which "Shoki-" carelessly omitted and in those which "Shomei" deliberately revised ad added in later ages. 4) These deliberate omissions and alterations were made with the systematization of "Shomei" according to the phases in the latter half of the seventeenth century.

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This thesis consists of (1) Introduction, (2) General view of the study-history, (3) The relation of Ku-Tang-lü--yi (Ko-Toritsu-Sogi) to Yung-hui-lü- (Eiki-Risso), (4) The codification of the Japanese Code (Nihon-Ritsu) based on Tang-lü- (To-Risso), (5) Elimination and curtailment of -wen (Sobun, the Commentary), (6) The codification of the Japanese Code, (7) Conclusion. The Japanese Code and Statute (Nihon-Ritsuryo) established at the beginning of the 8th century was an adopted form of the Chinese Code and Statute (Ritsurei), namely, Yung-hui-lü-ling (Eiki-Ritsurei) of Tang. Today, the view prevails that there is a great difference in the attitude of the adoption of the Code and that of the Statute. That is, the Japanese Statute (Nihon-Ryo) gave a great modification to the Tang Statute (To-Rei) by allowing for the situation of then Japan while the Japanese Code was nearly a copy of the Tang Code with nothing different from it. Examining not only this view about the adoption of the Code but the process of the codification of the Japanese Code as well, we could find that the studies so far made about it have neglected an important fact. That is, they have neglected the fact that the Japanese Code was based upon Lü- (Risso) which was an officially edited commentary, and codified into the Code (Ritsu), to put it the other way, that the Japanese Code adopted the commentary of the Tang Code not as the commentary but as the text of law. This is one of the most distinguishing points characterizing the Japanese Code and where great elaboration must have been needed in terms of the technical matters of codification.
Tang-lü- (To-Risso) was also so logically constructed that it seems nearly impossible to have given basic modifications to its mere parts. Consequently, the elaboration in codifing the Japanese Code was not only to rearrange Tang-lü- into the Japanese Code, but also to clarify the text of Tang-lü- in order to be able to apply it to the reality more smoothly. Thus, Examining the Japanese Code (Nihon-Ritsu) much more closely, we seem to realize that those studies hitherto made about it could not grasp the exact understanding of it, and we seem to have to give much higher estimation to the Japanese Code as a great product of those efforts.

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During the Six Dynasties period, particularly the Southern Dynasties, the fact known as "the Distinction between Shih 士 (Scholars) and 庶 (Commoners)" is conspicuous. This fact is found in the various aspects of the society : marriage, social intercourse, official appointment, implication in penal law, corvee obligation, the education system and criminal law. This paper is an attempt to explain one part of the special characteristics of the State and its social structure during the Six Dynasties period by a study of these distinctions. "The Distinction between Shih and " can be divided into two types. One type has the social position of the individual and the clan as its standard. Discriminations in marriage and social intercourse belong to this type. The other type takes the existence of political privileges of the individual and the clan as its standard. Differences in treatment before criminal law and with respect to corvee obligations, etc., belong to this type. These facts, then, permit us to suppose that there were two aspects to the Shih and . Conclusively speaking, the Shih and fundamentally existed as social groups. In local village society, once a person was rated among villagers as being fit to become a bureaucrat, he obtained Hsiang-P'in 郷品 (the qualification for bureaucratic rank) and was included among the group of bureaucratic candidates. Though the majority of them were soon to become bureaucrats, even if this was not the case, people who had obtained Hsiang-P'in had a special existence in local village society. In their own time or after the accumulation of such individuals in the family lineage, these people formed the special social group, that is, Shih. The group of villagers who were excluded from this group was called . Thus, the authority of the Emperor did not interfere at all with the formation of a status group called Shih or . Therefore they may be said to be social groups. The Shih and that constituted such social status groups had a strictly differentiated existence as members of local village society. The Shih and , however, were not distinguished in this way as subjects of the Emperor. This was due to the fact that obligations and privileges due as Imperial subjects were given out by Imperial authority, and that in making such grants both groups alike as subjects were in principle subject to the same treatment. Furthermore, it was because these obligations and privileges were granted on the basis of whether the person was an Imperial bureaucrat or not. Thus, at this point, a status order with bureaucratic rank as its momentum was formed and it was also known as Shih and . From its organization we can say that it was the Shih and as a political rank. These types of Shih and were not perfectly mutually corresponding, but were completely separate heterogeneous groups, yet at the same time they were reciprocally regulated. In particular, the formation of Shih and as political rank was strongly regulated by the existence of Shih and as social group. For this reason the political ruling structure with the authority of the Emperor at the apex had to make this social class system inherent, and the result of that was to have a stratified structure that corresponded with the social class system. The conspicuousness of "the Distinction between Shih and " was determined by this historical nature : in the Six Dynasties period, there was a strengthened and actualized Social class system and the Imperial authority, while internalizing the system, had to build up the political ruling structure. Subsequently the special characteristics of the aristocracy in the Southern Dynasties period owe much to such a historical nature.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of acceptance regarding the characteristics of Japanese swords in Ji-Xiao-Xin- “紀效新書”. Ji-Xiao-Xin- is a Chinese book on martial arts that was written in the 16th century. There were two editions of this book, one was published around 1560-1566 (the earlier edition), and the other was published in 1584 (the later edition).
In this paper, we focused on the yao-dao “腰刀” and the chang-dao “長刀” in those two editions of the book. The conclusions of our study are :
1. The yao-dao in the earlier edition has some special features that were adopted from the Japanese sword such as a single edge, a long thin edge, and an edge that is longer than the hilt, and a slightly curved edge. The yao-dao was used with a shield made of cane in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-. In the traditional Chinese military idea, a sword was used with a wooden shield, and both the sword and shield were very heavy. The yao-dao and a shield made from cane were lighter than the traditional Chinese swords and shields, therefore, these new weapons replaced the old ones. Through this process, some features of the Japanese sword were accepted in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-.
2. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-, the yao-dao and the chang-dao were described. There was an explanation about how to make the yao-dao, and some special features that came from the Japanese sword were described in the explanations. While both the yao-dao and the chang-dao have special features that come from Japanese sword, they are distinguished from each other by the total length of the sword with the chang-dao being longer than the yao-dao. The yao-dao was used with a shield made from cane, and the chang-dao was used with a rifle in the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-. In the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-, the chang-dao and rifle were also described, however, there were no explanations in detail. In addition, there was no guidance given on how to use the chang-dao with a rifle. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-, the special features of the Japanese sword were accepted through the military idea such as using the chang-dao with a rifle.

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1, 吟醸酒, 純米酒, 本醸造酒及び普通酒のアミノ酸組成を調べ平均値の差の検定を行った結果, 製造区分間に全アミノ酸含有量と組成に大きな違いが認められ, 醸造法の違いが製成酒のアミノ酸組成に影響することを知った。
2, アミノ酸を甘味,酸味,苦味,その他の4区分にグルーピングし, 各種清酒間の有意差を調べた結果, 吟醸酒は他に比べて甘味アミノ酸, 酸味アミノ酸の割合が高く苦味アミノ酸が少ないなど, 製造区分によって構成比が異なることが明らかとなった。
3, アミノ酸を変数とする変数選択型判別分析を行った結果, グルタミン, プロリン, リジン, グルタミン酸, アラニン, ヒスチジンの6個のアミノ酸を変数として吟醸酒, 純米酒, 本醸造酒及び普通酒を高精度で判別できる判別関数を得た。

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Thanks to the scholarly efforts of Yan K'eng-wang (厳耕望), the general outline of the shang--sheng system in the Northern Wei Period is now available. In my opinion, however, there are several debatable points in Professor Yan's analysis, the points which I will deal with in this paper. The discussion will consist of three sections, each briefly stating Professor Yan's view, followed by my comments. (1)After its creation during the reign of the First Emperor, Tao-wu-ti (道武帝), the shang--sheng alternated between periods of abolishment and restoration. In the second year of T'ien-hsing (天興) (399 A.D.) the shang--sheng was abolished only to be revived immediately, perhaps at the end of the following year. After that, it was never completely abolished. The annals of the second year of T'ien-tz'u (天賜) (405 A.D.) record that "(the work of) the shang- 36 ts'ao (曹) is discontinued." But that did not mean the end of the entire sheng system. (2)During the reign of the next emperor, Ming-yuan-ti (明元帝), the system was totally abolished. We can infer that the shang--sheng existed in the reign of Ming-yuan-ti. One important piece of evidence is the fact that the Eight ta-jen-kuan (大人官), which Professor Yan believes were established in order to serve as substitutes for the shang-, never performed those kind of duties. Another piece of evidence is the fact that there were at least five appointees to the shang- during Ming-yuan-ti's reign, in spite of Professor Yan's statement that he was unable to discover any appointees for this period. The number of appointees was not lower at this time than at the reign of Tao-wu-ti. And, of course, the shang- was in existence from the outset of the reign of T'ai-wu-ti (太武帝), the Third Emperor. (3)Between the time of T'ai-wu-ti and the first half of the reign of the Sixth Emperor, Hsiao-wen-ti (孝文帝), the shang--lang (尚書郎) was abolished in its entirety and replaced by the offices of ta-fu (大夫), ling (令), and chang (長). Since there was the "shuang-kuei (双軌) system" in the Northern Wei Period, one can imagine that ta-fu, ling, chang, and shang--lang existed side by side. It is not possible, I believe, to deny this claim only with the evidences presented by Professor Yan. This paper also touches on the ta-jen-kuan of the Northern Wei Period, the topic closely related to the arguments mentioned above.

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