抄録
The present paper discusses an accent-epenthesis paradox in Winnebago prosody, which has long been rather controversial since the advent of an earlier metrical framework. The problem is that some word classes imply accent assignment be ordered before the epenthesis rule known as Dorsey's Law, while others imply the reverse ordering. I not only propose a new principled account of this paradox and other complicated accent positions in an integrated framework of Hayes's (1995) Metrical Stress Theory and Paradis's (1988) Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies, but also present several arguments for the following specific claims: 1) Winnebago is a mora-counting, syllable-accenting language whose accent should be divided into main and subsidiary ones; 2) the underlying consonant cluster of an obstruent followed by a sonorant should be heterosyllabic, contrary to Alderete's (1995) claim; 3) the notion of 'foot weight' plays a crucial role in determining the application of either clash deletion or clash movement; and 4) my account as a whole has theoretical implications for the presence of extrametricality and metrical constituent.
