As is generally known, Japan after Meiji Restoration chosed the expansionism to the nearby Asian countries. Before then, "strategies of Japan in Asia" (The prospects that Japan should launch out into adapting to the new international order with a great ambition) and "Seikan-ron" (Political argument that Japan should gain dominance over Korea in a historical cause) had already existed. However, I think that the relation between both was not one that "strategies of Japan in Asia" was actualized to "Seikan-ron". Many Japanese at the end of Tokugawa shogunate had some kinds of Chauvi-nism-view. "Antiforeign imperialism" is given as the most general form of them. They are assumed to have been cultivated by the neo-Confucianism and Japanese classical literature, and to be classified into "Japanese Sinocentrism" and "ethnic discrimination against the Korean", and so on. So, in this article, I have examined these Chauvinism-views, and clarified the differences between "strategies of Japan in Asia" and "Seikan-ron". In short, "strategies of Japan in Asia" was a minority opinion under the situation in which the majority of Japanese Chauvinism-views were targeted on the great powers in terms of antiforeign imperialism. Therefore, the opinion had to be frustrated when "controversy of isolation or opening the country to the world" became heated. And to escape from this controversy, "Seikan-ron" was formed by a political thinking.

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This article analyzes the documents of the Ministry of War and the Ministry of Navy in 1932. In the Shanghai incident, the corporation of army and navy commanded orthodoxy and it was successful. All the Militants and Diplomats recognized the value of their negotiation for peace. So, the aim of the conflict that Japan tried to protect for resident people was achieved. The Shanghai incident is the last conflict that the Empire of Japan has succeeded not only in military but also in diplomatic. Although Foreign Minister Yosizawa and War Minister Araki have been ignored on our history, in fact their decision making was admissible.

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It has passed 59 years since the Japanese constitution was promulgated. It seems to be about the time to revise the constitution, judging from our public opinion. The Liberal Democratic Party has recently publicized their constitutional revision draft. According to the draft, the virtual article that is the article 9 has been altered in order to enable Japan to wage in war for her self defense. The collective self defense for the international contribution to maintain peace is not expressly written for the reason that this type of war is deemed a positive military action. In other words, the so-called self defense war which is deemed a passive military action is only specified in the draft of the article 9. Mass media have partially criticized the contents of the draft, and preseved their critical attitudes that even though such constitutional revision bill as the draft advocated by the Liberal Democratic Party may be passed by the Diet, it must be further approved by the people of Japan. That is a reason why the consensus of the people should be reflected to the revision bill.

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Art.28 Abs.2 GG wird als eine institutionelle Garantie der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung gekennzeichnet. Die kommunale Selbstverwaltung wird gegen Beseitigung und Aushohlung durch Gesetz auf vershhiedene Wege geschutzten. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht und die Landesverfassungsgerichte haben diese Wege nach Situation der Selbsverwaltungskrise in jeder Periode von Sechzigerjahre bis heute verwirklicht. Nach neunziger Jahre geratet Kommunalfinanzen in eine bedenklichen Not. Die Selbstverwaltungsgarantie ware allerdings ohne Gewahrleistung einer Finanzausstattung inhaltslos. In diesen Lagen entscheidet Landesrecht in welcher Weise die Kommunalfinanzen sichergestellt wird. Dazu kennen die Landesverfassungen zwei Strukturelemente nach den zwei Entscheidungen des Nds.StGH. Einerseits fungiert in der ubertragenen Wirkungskreis das Konnexiatsprinzip; es verpflichtet das Land auf eine aufgabenangemessene Finanzausstattung durch entsprechenden Finanzausgl eich. Andererseits gilt in der eigenen Wirkungskreis das Gleichrangigkeit der Kommunalaufgaben mit Staatsaufgaben; es verlangt gesetzgeberische Betrachtung uber Minde-stfinanzaustattung. Verfassungsrechtliche Grenzen sind fur gesetzgeberischen Gestaltungskompetenz durch den Anspruch der Kommunen auf Aufgabenangemessene-und Mindestausstattung gesetzt.

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There was the time when the Japanese people looked for a 'Real Independence' of Japan. The typical politicians was Ichiro Hatoyama and Nobusuke Kishi. Although the 'Real Independence' which they aimed at suffered a setback, the tendency to based on nature of Kishi in the reason is deep-ro-oted. This viewpoint is important. However, in my idea, abandonment of the single-seat constituency system introduction which Hatoyama tried is greatly related to the frustration of 'Real Independence' This paper describes the deliberation process of the single-seat constituency system of 1956, and the influence which its frustration had on the future generations.

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There is a large academic literature on overall values served by the First Amendment, U.S. Const. Amendment. I is Free Speech and Press Glaus e. The marketplace, self-government and autonomy are most frequently invoked. Principle-based theories on First Amendment theory argue these values as basis for justifications for the special protection afforded freedom of expression. Each of these theories makes some claim to provide a foundational basis for the First Amendment. Recently, The Supreme Court gives some measure of protection to hate speech as cross-burning and organizational forms and activities having expressed their antihomosexual views. Do any of the principle-based theories apply to cross-burning or activity to a discriminate homosexual conduct? Do these activities subserve the values that hold up in those theoies? Taking this opportunity, Non principle-based theories come to the front. This article traces comparatively three representative theorists in the non principle-based theory. The following assertions are presented by them. Stanly Fish exhibits perspectives from literary theory applied to First Amendment jurisprundence. He insists that any theory of free speech must reflect a substantive political content. Thus, the abstraction at the center of First Amendment jurisprudence- marketplace, self-government, autonomy-do not in themselves point us to the appropriate distinctions. Richard Posner has his root in "Law and Economics". And his philosophy is pragmatism. Posner argues that because the legal concept of freedom of speech is plastic, mutable, and contestable it may appropriately take its shape from the practical considerations the instrumental approach bring into view. He employs cost-benefit analysis to explore when government can regulate expression which has a public good. Frederick Schauer relies on analytic philosophy modified by traditional common law theories. He claims the importance of seeing rules as crude probablistic generalizations. And Schauer distinguishes between conversational and entrenchment models of generalization, but he doesn't grasp each models as an exclusional reason. He argues that the legal system takes freedom of speech as a given, devoting little if any attention to the philosophical foundation of the principle it seeks to enforce. Schauer focuses on less various values served by the First Amendment than on the special reason to distruct government in the realm of speech regulation.

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In Japan, the introduction of an ombudsman system has been considered since the late 1970s because of an infamous corruption case involving a high profile national government official, which triggered the idea of "government surveillance". Kawasaki City implemented an ombudsman system in 1990 following a scandal involving a city government official. This research paper explores and defines the significance of ombudsman systems based on my own experience as a consulting librarian in Kawasaki City. It also investigates the constitutionality of implementing an ombudsman system in Japan. First, I will establish the premises for conducting the research based upon issues related to past cases. Next, I will define and highlight the critical features of each case. Finally, I will explore the constitutionality of implementing an ombudsman system in Japan.

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This paper is the second part of the study discussing what the theory of deliberative democracy based on the republican constitutionalism suggests concerning the practices of the saiban-in trial system, which is scheduled to be executed in Japan by May, 2009. In this paper, on taking a notice of the influence of the saiban-in candidates' prejudices upon the saiban-in trial, we consider how the prosecutor and the defendant should choose the saiban-in and whether the government should regulate the crime reporting causing the prejudice for the candidates. Suppose the prosecutor and the defendant are the reasonable players in the game, they must challenge the candidates who have the disadvantageous prejudices for each peremptorily. According to deliberative democracy it is necessary to count on not only the candidate's prediction but also the volatility of the candidate's opinion. Deliberative democracy allows regulating the crime reporting which causes the prejudice against the candidates. But this new democracy doesn't require it, because the deliberation has to be done not only by saiban-in in court but by person on the street in their daily lives. Given that introducing the saiban-in trial system attempts to make the people's deliberative forum, we can have these two arguments.

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The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how possible political consensus is given a fact of pluralism of comprehensive doctrines, good and values. Firstly I indicate that Rawlsian political conception of justice is not constructed from the historical or religious background or the inherent logic but that the conception is transcendental. Secondly I maintain that the political conception of justice is derived not from the comprehensive doctrines or moral values but from a moral Kantian conception of free and equal citizens or persons. Thirdly I make it clear that the political conception of justice based on tha moral Kantian conception does not destroy pluralism of comprehensive values but makes the reasonable overlapping consensus possible, while unreasonable values or doctrines independently of the overlapping consensus enjoy the liberties.

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From 1:30 pm on June 25, 2005 at Aichi Shukutoku University, the four menbers reported their research findings on the given topic "Problems in Amendments to the Constitution of Japan". This was followed by a question and answer session in the floor. I was selected as coordinator of this Symposium. Nevertheless, thanks to the cooperative, understanding and tolerant members, the Symposium closed very successfully.

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During the American occupation of Japan after World War II, the Japanese were unable or unwilling to complete a new constitution which satisfied General Douglas MacArthur. He ordered his staff to draft a new constitution, which they did in less than a week, and then translated it into Japanese in 1946. Japan lost a chance to rebuild the new state. It was also unfortunate that we lost the chance to reconsider our state by ourselves. That means that we lost reality. The constitution of Japan has no author. It was made not by us, even not by US, but by "somebody". Who would take responsibility for an anonymous constitution? In early 90s, some political leaders began to think Japan needed to transform itself to "a normal state". This sentiment leads to the debate on revising the constitution today. I think that it could place the Japanese people on the position of "author" in a true meaning. But, how can we get back the reality lost sixty years ago? Is it possible for us to do that just by rewriting the text? It is not. We do need change the Constitution in action first, the Constitution in text later.

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Bei der Interpretation des Artikels 9 ist der Unterschied zwishen der Notiz MacArthurs, dem Entwurf des GHQs und der endgultigen Fassung von grosser Bedeutung. An fangs wollte MacArthur dem Staat Japan auch einen Verteidigungskrieg verbieten, aber diese Absicht findet sich nicht mehr in dem Entwurf seiner Untergebenen. Zudem anderte der Unterhausausschuss Ashidas einen kleinen Teil des Textes ab. Die Absicht Ashidas ist unklar, doch reagierte die Far Eastern Commission der Alliierten auf die Anderung und forderte die Regierung Japans auf, in der Verfassung festzulegen, dass nur Zivilisten Ministerposten bekleiden durfen. Unserer Ansicht nach bedeutet dies, dass Japan Streitkrafte unterhalten darf. Im Regierungssystem Japans gibt es zudem ein weiteres Problem: Das Zweikammersystem kann sich als Stolperstein fur einen reibungslosen Regierungswechsel erweisen. Allgemein herrscht in Japan zwar die Auffassung, dass das Oberhaus nur uber geringe Befugnisse verfugt, tatsachlich aber ist diese Kammer hinsichtlich der Gesetzgebung recht stark, kann sie doch Entscheidungen des Unterhauses die Zustimmung verweigern. Nur mit einer Zweidrittelmehrheit kann dann das Unterhaus eine solche Ablehnung uberwinden, was in der Realitat jedoch nur selten moglich ist. Somit muss eine Regierung nicht nur im Unter-, sondern auch im Oberhaus uber eine absolute Mehrheit verfugen. Wurde eine Oppositionspartei wie die Demokratische Partei bei einer Unterhauswahl tatsachlich siegen, konnte sie somit wegen des Widerstands der sich dann in der Opposition befindlichen Parteien LDP und Komeito keine eigenstandige Politik betreiben. Aus diesem Grunde pladieren wir dafur, das heutige Zweikammersystem zu andern.

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The 103rd general meeting and symposium of The Japanese Association of Law and Political Science were held at Keiai University on November 26^<th> and 27^<th> of the year 2005. The uniform theme was "Family's transfiguration and violence". Five panelists presented their study at this session. First, Mr. Tomiyuki Ogawa of Aichi Gakuin University presented on the theme of "Family's transfiguration and violence". Second, Mr. Yoshinibu Araki of Musasino University presented on the theme of "Child Abuse and Neglect in Urban Areas". Third, Mr.Saegusa Tamotsu of Chukyo University presented on the theme of "Child Abuse and Punishment by Criminal Law-Focusing on the amended Child Abuse". Fourth, Ms. Machi Kamio of Shobi University presented on the theme of "The Legal System against Spousal Violence-Japan and France-". The last panelist Ms. Etsuko Furuhashi of Hanazono University presented on the theme of "Situation of Older People Abuse and Problem in Legal Action". After these important reports, each reporter responded to some questions and opinions from several members of the floor. This symposium ended successfully at 17:30. We are thankful to Prof.Yoshihiro Yamauchi, all other people at Keiai University and Heisei International University who helped this symposium.

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Nearly eleven years have passed since 1995 when the phrase, Child Abuse, started to attract people's attention in mass media. In the meantime in 2000 the Child Abuse Prevention Law was enacted and in 2004 the amendments of Child Abuse Prevention Law were enacted to enhance its effectiveness. Such a course of events seems to show, at a glance, the serious attitude of the powers of administration, jurisdiction and legislation in their efforts of preventing child abuse. To tell the truth, however, the effect of the Law has been in disaster. That is to say, the number of reports on child abuse has never been decreased up to today since the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare started to total up the reports at the consultation offices for children throughout Japan in 1990. When we think of such a situation of child abuse, it seems to be necessary to review and reform the Law which is supposed to cope with and decrease the cases of child abuse most effectively. In this paper I will discuss about what the Child Abuse Prevention Law should be, going back to its basic concept, focusing on the amended points of the Law of 2004. I will talk about the importance of improving and reinforcing the criminal aspect of the Law in order to liberate children from abuse at the earliest possible stage and also promote the welfare aspect and the educational aspect of the Law to function more effectively. The specific items are as follows: I. Introduction II. Study of the amended Child Abuse Prevention Law III. Prevention and deterrence of child abuse by punishment IV. Utilization of criminal regulations to prevent child abuse V. Conclusion

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In Japan, the law for the prevention of spousal violence and the protection of victims was enacted in 2001 and was amended in 2004. Therefore, Japan has a special law against spousal violence. The law provides "protection orders" as follows. 1. stay-away order: forbids the abuser from approaching the victim, or loitering in the vicinity of the victim's residence, workplace, or other place. 2. order to vacate: obliges the abuser to vacate, for a 2-month period, the residence shared the main home with the victim, and not to loiter in the vicinity of the victim's residence. The protection orders can protect victims from abusers efficiently. But in Japan, spousal violence as a crime is not punished sufficiently. France doesn't have a special law against spousal violence. In France, criminal law, criminal procedure law, and civil law have articles about spousal violence. In French criminal law punished spouse and partner more severely than usual persons. In Japan, spousal violence should be punished as a crime.

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Previous investigation on older people abuse at home clarified some factors, which are related to abuse. 1 Personality of the person who does abuse 2 Disagreement (or some uncomfortable situation) between older people and careers 3 Personality of the older people who are cared 4 Too much family care work It is said that 85.9% of actual careers for older people are female. However, current investigation revealed that 32.1% of abusers are son of older people. Before establishing the law 'Inhibition of older people abuse', long term nursing home for older people was built by the law of social welfare for older people. According to national investigation in Japan, there were 97 cases that older people was transferred to long term nursing home for older people abuse in 273 totals. This number is one-third in total. In fact, 90% of people, who consider that abuse has been solved, answered that it is important to transfer older people to long term nursing home for older people or to hospital. As such, one of the most important solutions is separation from the person who does abuse. In addition, 'Inhibition of older people abuse' will be enforced from 1st April 2006. In particularly, it will be obligation to report abuse, when people find older people abuse or consider the possibility of abuse. Hence, legal response against older people abuse might be improved drastically. Nevertheless, there is still another problem in legal action against older people abuse, which is self-neglect. It means that older people who tend to reject any care service want to keep staying very bad condition, and also rejecting any services and careers. In order to solve this problem, it must be important to make older people to find that they are in bad condition and also make abuser to recognize abuser is doing abuse actually.

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