Taiwanese economical growth of the last four decades brought huge changes to its society. These changes include some local problems such as gap of living standard between urban and rural area. To cope with these issues, organizations for "community" building have been formed in local society since mid-1990s. Following the movement, Taiwanese public sector has also begun to aid their activity. However, former researchers have pointed out dyadic relations are prior in Chinese society, including Taiwan, and communal relations are relatively looser. This paper analyzes the relationship between "community" building organization and public funding policy. D association has conducted "community" activity, in a village of west Taiwan. We analyzed their acquisition of organizational resources (human resource, land resource, and financial resource) for activity. Our study showed personal networks play an important role in the resource acquisition of D association. They utilize personal network of members, but do not necessarily follow the objection which public policy expected. D association changed their form of activity to follow resource environment, and reacted against public funding policy. There is a gap between the organization utilizing personal networks and communal policy objectives.

　　　This paper analyzes the transformation of local resource use and village communities in a snowy ski resort area of Japan, focusing on changes in resource use patterns and the role of village communities on group, individual and family levels.
　　　Before 1950s （Period I）, the use of local resources in Ota village of Iiyama City was mostly confined to agricultural and forestry production, but shifted to ski tourism-related purposes during the period of high economic growth （Period II）. It has been shifting to year-round tourism use since the second half of the 1990s （Period III）. The scope expanded from farmland and community areas, to forest and hill space, and then to a whole range of regional resources.
　　　Local resources were used and managed by all community members during Period I. In the early stage of Period II, all community members were involved in ski tourism activities in one form or another, as lenders of land, owners of farm-inns and workers in ski resorts. Village communities themselves invested in and established ski resort corporations. But as ski-tourism expanded and external members joined, the role of village communities regarding resource use changed. Village communities withdrew from the maintenance of ski resort areas, leaving that role to corporations. External sources and local governments began to take a lead in fund raising and/or tourism expansion. During Period III, as the ski tourism boom receded, heterogeneous groups including women’s group, youth groups and inn managers grouaps ventured into new activities to attract tourists throughout the year, utilizing other local resources. They started torrent rafting, traditional cooking, open-air music festivals, and other activities.
　　　At the individual and family levels, it was found that local resource use was affected by changes in generation and gender factors. Parents, mostly fathers of then-current generations, introduced ski tourism to increase income. The then-current generations expanded it. And now, their wives and sons/daughters are venturing into various types of new year-round activities. Women have emerged as managers of family- based businesses, but with a generation time lag.
　　　Transformation in the role of village communities and changes in the life course of individual families have been the major driving forces promoting new use of local resources in an attempt to generate new income sources in snowy mountain villages.

　　　This article is the second review of rural family sociology in Japan, following Part 1: (1) [1900-1970s], (2) [1980s], (3) [1990-2003s] (Journal of Rural Studies, No.42, Vol.21, 2015). The purpose of this study is to clarify searches of rural family sociology, and follows these genealogy from 2004-2014. It is focusing on the viewpoint of continuance and change. It also plans to explore what are needed in Japanese rural family research today.
　　　In 2004 to 2014, rural family research was accomplished by the modern family theory, the gender theory, the network theory, the rural community, and “Mura”research, environment research, circulation, promotion of enterprise, and community activism. The studies of rural family have gradually decreased. Recently, it is becoming difficult to distinguish characteristics between rural and urban families.
　　　Through this review, the author concludes that the sociological research has been influenced by what the society requires depending on the change of the times. In sociology, research of rural society and family has greatly contributed to the fundamental theories.

　　　A recently discovered collection of Eitaro SUZUKI (1894-1966) 's research and personal materials includes forty-three notes, which were edited to the Notes on Principles of National Sociology, and other hitherto unknown drafts. In this paper, I inspect these notes and drafts and make the process clear how SUZUKI had changed his earlier concept of natural village. He insisted in his later years that state governance is essential for the occurrence of regional society and administrative groups transform into natural groups. On the basis of SUZUKI’s later perspective, we should reexamine the concept of Gemeinde for the rural study, make empirical researches into community-based autonomy in relation to state governance and search for what the institutionalization of community ought to be.