英学史研究
Online ISSN : 1883-9282
Print ISSN : 0386-9490
ISSN-L : 0386-9490
1987 巻, 19 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • 岡村 一郎
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 1-14
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • The Dynastsを中心に
    皆川 三郎
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 15-32
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Thornas Hardy's The Dynasts is, according to Edmund Blunden, one of the three masterpieces in the who1e range of literature, both English and American, the other two being King Lear and Moby Dick. This vast, original work of 709 pages (Macmillan edition) centres on the figure of Napoleon as an outstanding military tactician, a political intriguer, and a cold-hearted man who wagedwars for realizing his insatiable desire of conquering nearly all Europe. In this work, Hardy extends his sympathy with human victims, to all other living things-horses killed on the battlefield, and even to small animals that were crushed under the cannon-wheels or trampled upon by contending armies.
    Iadmire Hardy for his universal sympathy, but I cannot help thinking that the way he deals with Napoleon is too one-sided, although I know that The Dynasts is a literary work instead of a historical thesis.
    Hardy's view of Napoleon seems to represent the bad feelings of the English people toward him during and after the Napoleonic wars, but they got over such feelings during and after the World War I.
    After 1914, most English people have come to lessen the wonder of Napoleon, and consider that it was the French Revolution that generated his power.
    In his letters to his relatives and friends, Napoleon uses some fatalistic words like ‘the Great Mover’ ‘inexplicable fate’, ‘this resistless fate’, ‘a Higher Intelligence’, ‘the Prime Mover of the Universe’, ‘blind chance. ’ He says that he is in the clutch of some unknown powers which willy-nilly he must obey. Such power-Destiny as he calls it-1ed him to dash across the bridge of Lode in northern Italy amld the shower of bullets from the Austrian army on the opposite bank of the river, Again Destiny drove him to start on a long, bleak passage to Moscow, and finally led to his downfall.
    Just before I finished writing this thesis, I happened to read R. J. White's Thomas Hardy & History, in which he says (p. 100) : ‘He (Hardy) seems to have thought one of those purposes (the purposes of his art) was to blacken the character of Napoleon even beyond the bounds of historical evidence. It was a mistake. ’
  • 大森 実, 筱田 左多江
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 33-50
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the Nineteenth Century was published first in London in 1841, then in New York in 1845 and 1867 and again in London in 1852. This shows that this book gained many readers not only in Europe but in the United States in those days, for it would have been well adapted for those who were anxious to know Japan. It is clear that it had some influence on their view on Japan.
    This book has long been supposed to be the English translation of NIPPON written by Philipp Franz von Siebold. Leon Pages, in Bibliographie Japonaise, and Henri Cordie, in Bibliotheca Japonica describe this book as the English translation of NIPPON. So did Shuzo Kure, in the preface of Siebold: Edo Sanpu Kiko, Kiroku Fujita, in “Bibliographical Study of NIPPON. ” Close study of each sentence revealed that this book was not the English translation of NIPPON, as it used to be supposed, but the tapestry woven of various quotations adopted mainly from the works of many famous Dutch authors from the 17th through the 19th century.
    In this thesis three chapters from Chapter IV to VI were examined thoroughly, which were written about periodical journey to Edo, stay at Edo and return to Dezima. In Chapter IV the quotation from NIPPON is no more than 10 percent of the contents, in Chapter V only a few sentences are considered to be taken from NIPPON, and there is no influence of NIPPON to be seen in Chapter VI. Four most influential authors are Overmeer Fisscher, secretary at Dutch factory coming to Japan in 1820, Hendrik Doeff, president of Dutch factory staying in Japan for nearly twenty years, Engelbert Kaempfer, German doctor at Dutch factory who came to Japan in 1690 and Arnoldus Montanus, Dutch priest who had never been to Japan but wrote early introductory account on Japan in 1669.
    This study is to be continued for years. Full particulars of this book will be given after all the chapters are analyzed.
  • 商法講習所時代
    寺澤 恵
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 51-66
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The internationalization of the Japanese economy is progressing very rapidly; Japanese companies are being closely intertwined into the network of the world economy. Business-English education should be reformed to cope with the drastic changes in this environment.
    In order to find how to deal with the situation we must study the history of education since the beginning of the Meiji Era. This paper is the first step in this study and is primarily focussed on the educational method used at Shoho Koshujo (1875-1984).
    Originally, all commercial subjects were taught there in English by an American, well-experienced in practical business education. Later, the emphasis was shifted toward first training students in Japanese for domestic business; but the English language was also taught extensively as preparation for their future study of foreign trade which was taught entirely in English. Commercial correspondence and business conversation were included in their study of foreign trade.
    This was the beginning of business-English education in Japan and we can learn valuable lessons through studying this program at Shoho Koshujo.
  • JIUJI KASAI: THE PATRIOT AND THE INTERNATIONALIST
    Chushin Hosaka
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 67-89
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/03/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    I portrayed a life of Jiuju G. Kasai who dedicated his whole life to the advancement of friendly relations between the United States and Japan. I would like to confirm the fact that he was both the patriot and the internationalist.
    He was born on July 14, 1886 at a remote and lonely hamlet, along the River Fujikawa, then one of the rapidest rivers in Japan.
    As a schoolboy, he received his moral training by reading Chinese classics which his father commanded. At twelve, he entered Kdfu Middle School whose progressive as well as moralistic atmosphere implanted in him a longing for liberalism and a sense of independence.
    When Kasai finished the middle school in 1902, the immigration to the United States was at its height. The ambitious boy went down the Fujikawa, crossed the Pacific, and to Seattle, Washington.
    In 1905 he was admitted to Broadway High School in Seattle, and in 1909 to the University of Chicago to study U. S. history and American statesmen and finally in 1913 to Harvard to pursue further studies on the American Constitution. At the high school and the University of Chicago, his excellence in oratory won him prizes of highest distinction in all-campus competitions. His oratorical prize included a trip to Washington D. C. to meet Theodore Roosevelt, who was pleased to give him the “Life and Times of Abraham Lincoln. ” Apparently this book triggered his lifelong, steadfast admiration for Lincoln. He decided to go to Chicago, the heart of the Midwest, Lincoln's country, which was the A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY JIUJI KASAI: THE PATRIOT AND THE INTERNATIONALIST backbone of the United States. The subject of his prize winning speech at Chicago was “The Mastery of the Pacific”, which called for joint American-Japanese cooperation for peace in the Pacific. This speech should be remem-bered as the prototype of his subsequent counter-anti-Japanese movement speeches and books.
    As to his active participation in political life, see Section 7 “A Chronological Record of Kasai's Main Political Activities. ”
    In 1929 he was elected to the Tokyo Municipal Assembly, and in 1936, in 1937, and in 1946 to the House of Representatives (the Diet). After he retired from political life he continued to work as a bridge between America and Japan through the Japanese-American Cultural Society, Inc. which he had founded in Tokyo on Linclon's birthday in 1947.
    He died on April 10, 1985 at his home in Tokyo at the age of 98 years.
  • 沼倉 研史, 沼倉 満帆
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 91-108
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Taizo Masaki, the first president of Tokyo Shokko Gakko (Tokyo Industrial School), is most prominently mentioned in “Yoshida Torajiro”, a short story by Robert Louis Stevenson. From 1876 to 1881, Masaki was in Great Britain supervising Japanese students. In the summer of 1878, he met Stevenson at Edinburgh, and told him about the Japanese anti-Shogunate revolutionary Shoin Yoshida, who was Masaki's teacher when he was a young boy. It is not clear, however, what precisely Masaki's main work in Britain involved. In this article, his history and achievements there will be described.
    Masaki was born on October 24, 1846 as the third son of Jiemon Masaki, a high ranking samurai in Choshu. Choshu was a hotbed or revolutionary activity against the centralized federal Shogunate regime, and many of his family were likewise revolutionaries, later assuming a number of important roles in the Meiji Revolution. Furthermore, there were many great revolutionaries and statesmen around him including Kaoru Inoue, Takayoshi Kido and Saneomi Hirosawa. Thus, the formation of Masaki's character doubtlessly was affected by them. When he was about thirteen years old, he attended Yoshida's private school, Shokason-Juku. He became the page of Motonori Mori, the Prince of the Daimyo Lord of Choshu. The Daimyo was cut off from the progressive camp, and so Masaki acted as his mesenger.
    After the Meiji Revolution of 1871, Masaki was dispatched to Great Britain to study modern mintage technology. In fact, however, he studied chemistry at University College in London. At this time, he met R. W. Atkinson and invited him to go to Japan as a professor of Tokyo Kaisei Gakko. In 1874, Masaki returned to Japan with Atkinson, and worked as an assistant professor for Atkinson for about two years at Tokyo Kaisei Gakko. He taught basic chemistry, including analytical chemistry and chemical experimentation. He was the first Japanese to teach modern Western chemistry in a Japanese university.
    In June, 1878, Masaki went to Great Britain again as the supervisor of new students newly selected for study abroad from Tokyo Kaisei Gakko, and stayed there for 5 years. In 1881, he came back from Britain, and became the first president of Tokyo Shokko Gakko (presently Tokyo Institute of Technology). For nine years, he worked earnestly to establish the first Western-style industrial school in Japan. In 1890, Masaki was transferred to the Foreign Office, and went to Honolulu as the consul general of Hawaii. But his life in Hawaii was not long. He returned to Japan in December 1892, and retired from public service for reasons of his health, and he died on April 5, 1896.
    Masaki's main accomplishment in Britain can be classified in terms of three categories. First, he took care of the Japanese students in Europe. We can read his annual reports from Britain, which describe the activities of his students. Secondly, he was able to find good teachers for new schools or universities in Japan. One of these was famous physicist Sir J. A. Ewing. In Edinburgh, along with Ewing, he also met Stevenson. It was during this time, that he gave Stevenson his account of his teacher Shoin Yoshida. Thirdly, he conducted research in the area of modern education in Europe. He worte many articles in Japanese educational journals, including translated articles or lectures and his own reports of experience in Great Britain.
    Taizo Masaki's achievements in Great Britain were important to education, particularly industrial education in early Meiji Era.
  • 明治中期英語教育史研究
    松村 幹男
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 109-123
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Late in 1880's and early in 1890's Japanese pupils were asked to learn English at the primary school level if they wished to be enrolled in a prefectural middle school. Generally speaking there was only one middle school in each prefecture at that time. It is absolutely true that the competition was very hot and that English as one of the requirements for entrance made the competition much hotter and more serious. In some areas pupils had to attend a special lesson or institute, because they had neither English teachers nor opportunities to learn English at school.
    In this paper, the writer included (1) when and where English was required in the entrance examination, (2) what educational policy the then governmentmade, and (3) how pupils learned English before they were successful in the examination.
  • 山下 英一
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 125-139
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    I am the origina1 of my deceased friend Lafcadio Hearn's paper “A Conservative” in his Kokoro. (from Nobushige Amenomori's letter dated Dec. 21, 1904.)
    Amenomri Nobushige had an excllent appreciation of both the Japanese and European civilization. Therefore, he could become one of the best helpers of Lafcadio Hearn. But there was no positive vidence as to whether the real man in Hearn's “A Conservative” was Amenomori himself.
    While researching the Griffis Co11ection in the University of Rutgers, I found the two 1etters addressed to W. E. Griffis by Amenomori. In one of them he declared that he was the very original. On the story he looked up Mt. Fuji above the clouds in the early morning on board returning to Japan after the long visits on foreign countries, Then he determined to do some works of introducing civilization from Western countries and strengthen the new Japan.
    Certainly he was apatriot, though Christian love was deeply rooted in his mind. In “The Japanese Spirit, ” an English essay written by Amenomori and admired by Griffis, his o1d teacher in Fukui, Amenomori wrote that Japan would win the Russo-Japanese War, because the Japanese had the loyalty to the Imperial House, Bushido spirit and the ancient religion of Buddhism. The idea was one that Griffis and Hearn wanted to find in Japan and the Japanese people.
  • 山本 英政
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 141-156
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japanese youth of the Meili period were passionate in devoting themselves to the creation of a new Japan. The long period under a feudal system was over. Released from ahost of feudal constraints, people felt free as never before. In this atmosphere, many youths began to have lofty ideas about their future. Risshin Shusse (success in life) became their byword. Besides personal success, however, they also desired for Japan to become wealthy and strong. But the country had not yet been sufficiently developed to allow most of them to satisfy their ambition at home, For those who wished to rise, higher education offered the means, but in Japan such education was beyond the grasp of most poor students.
    As Western studies became increasingly popular, people began to learn of and to become interested in conditions in the West. Among the Western nations, the United States, especially, became well-know in Japan as a nation of democracy and opportunity for all. Japanese who had been restrained by the class system and limited opportunities at home were now eager to seek new ways of living that offered freedom and independence. America, which was enloying a good reputation with the development of its industries and education, reportedly had good working and educational conditions. Ambitious students were soon crossing the Pacific in large numbers to take advantage of the promises of the American dream.
    The failures and experiences that students experienced, once they arrived in America, may provoke some laughter, but their struggles to acculturate to the new environment were also often sad. For all their struggles, however, a vast number failed to complete their studies and thus became losers in their own eyes and in those of many others. Although they had been induced to come to America by the words of freedom and equality, cultural differences proved too much an obstacle to overcome.
    In America where the woman's position was relatively high, students from male-dominant Japan found it humiliating to do housework under the supervision of women. Their humiliation sometimes resulted in a repulsion towards America that helped keep them out of the society, slowed their aeculturation, and made them less desirable in the eyes of those who accepted the American norm. But regardless of failures, setbacks, frustration, and alienation, the Japanese students who came to the United States during the Meiji period were important. Those who succeeded in their studies returned to Japan not only with degrees and valuable expertise, but also with knowledge of the Westen world that was to help Japan overcome the legacy of Tokugawa isolation. Moreover, they served as pathbreakers for countless other Japanese students who have come to the United States in more recent times, lessening the problems that the latter were to face in the process.
    These students also had an impact on the growing Japanese-American community in the United States. As an educated, ambitious group, they provided leadership and spokesmen for their less educated countymen who worked as laborers in agriculture and at other jobs. Those who failed to complete their studies and return with honor to Japan, sometimes remained to becorne important in the Japanese-American communities of Califomia. They provided an important part of the leadership of these communities down to the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941. Thus, ambitious students who had wanted to help reshape Japan in the end contributed not only to that, but also to the building and shaping of the new community of Japanese-Americans that was growing up on the eastern shore of the Pacific. Their total impact clearly outweighted their numbers.
  • 石原 千里
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 157-181
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Rev. Henry Wood, Chaplain of U. S. flag-ship “Powhatan”, taught English and some other subjects to nine interpreters at Nagasaki for 2 whole months of September and October, 1858. His teaching was a success: the students, who had already had certain knowledge of English, made proficiency in the studies. In the course of the teaching activities, Rev. Wood was able to find opportunities of telling his students about Christianity. The series of his letters to New York Journal of Commerce, quoted in Spirit of Missions, describe his experiences in detail, which are quite rare, valuable and interesting specimens of English teaching and learning at dawn in Japan.
    The sincere efforts made by Key. Wood in teaching English secured the confidence of the Governor of Nagasaki as well as the confidence, respect and affection of his students. This led Rev. Wood to believe that it would be possible for a missionary, who would come to Japan as a teacher of English, to transmit the truth of Christianity to the Japanese even under its prohibition. This was actually a confirmation of the statement on introducing Christianity to Japan made by Capt. A. H. Foote of U. S. ship “Portsmouth”, who visited Shimoda and Hakodate in 1857.
    Dr. S. W. Williams, a Presbyterian, and Rev. E. W. Syle of the Protestant Episcopal Church, who visited Nagasaki at that time on U. S. ship “Minnesota” with the aim of ascertaining the possibility of implanting Christianity in Japan, heard from Rev. Wood about his teaching experiences, and wrote to the Mission Boards suggesting early establishment of mission stations in Japan.
    The friendly feelings of the Governor and the authorities at Nagasaki toward Americans created by Rev. Wood's labors worked favorably for the first missionaries to come to Nagasaki.
    Teaching English to the Japanese became one of the major activities of the early missionaries, whose great contribution to the civilization of Japan has been highly appreciated.
  • 藤野 紀男
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 183-191
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has been a widely accepted notion that Mother Goose nursery rhymes were translated into Japanese for the first time by Yumeji Takehisa toward the end of the Meiji era.
    I have, however, been maintaining my opinion that the first translations of those nursery rhymes must have been done much earlier, probably as early as sometime during the middle years of the Meiji period.
    Very fortunately I have only recently been able to locate a song book published for kindergarten pupils in the 25th year of Meiji (1892) which contains translations, though in abridged forms, of two nursery rhymes, “the Star” (‘Twinkle, twinkle... ’) and “Kindness” (‘I love little pussy... ’), thus proving my opinion to be correct.
  • 寺田 芳徳
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 193-209
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The great English poet Geoffrey Chaucer's Canterbury Tales was noted in some studies or books to have been introduced to Japan in the passage of July 21, 1617 (Genwa 3rd) in The Diary of Richard Cocks. But it was so brief a phrase as written ‘a longe Canterbury tale’ by the Captain R. Cocks in the English Factory in Japan (at Hirado) of The London East India Company that we have no belief in the first introduction of The Canterbury Tales in itself.
    According to the studies of the late Professor Tokutaro Shigehisa, the real introduction of Chaucer's literature in Japan was made by Rev. James Summers who was from England and invited for Tokyo Kaiseijo (later Tokyo University) during his professoriate between Meiji 6th (1873) and 9th (1876), and then by an American Prof. William A. Houghton between Meiji 10th (1877) and 15th (1882). Of all the students who had been taught by Prof. W. A. Houghton, Yuzo (Shoyo, the literary name) Tsubouchi published his early grand work The History of English Literature in June of Meiji 34th (1901) in which he genuinely introduced the outlines of The Canterbury Tales, other tales and some verses including his translations, as it was realized by the author of this thesis.
    During the middle period of Meiji Era William Swinton's Outlines of the World's History prevailed as an eminent textbook in schools throughout the country, for example, as in the case at The Shobara English School (庄原英学校) in Hiroshima Prefecture. The textbook indicated a great figure of Chaucer's literature in the history of English literature, which surely edified the knowledge of society, and our native language and literature, in opening young Itakura's eyes to great literary works.
    In 1917 (Taisho 6th), The Complete Translation of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales by Prof. Kenji Kaneko was published as the first accomplishment in Japan, as was made out as what it was marvellously great by Prof. Mieko Tamai's thesis in 1985.
    The author, however, would like to emphasize that Takuza Itakura whose age was only twenty-one had carried out to make public The Outline of The Canterbury Tales in “The Keio-gijuku Gahuho” (The Bulletin of Keio University) in Meiji 33rd (1900), by the literary name of “Tenji” (天耳). The author should point out the prominence that his introduction of the outline of The Canterbury Tales appeared characteristic of ‘Kodan’ (講談) quite unique in the way of traditional, classical, or humorous Japanese storytelling. Moreover the author has to indicate my estimation that Prof. Thomas Sergeant Perry from Harvard University taught an ardent student T. Itakura The Canterbury Tales during his professoriate from May of Meiji 31st till June of Meiji 34th (1901) at Keia University. Takuzo Itakura became Professor at the Faculty of Law at Keio University, still later the eminent editorialist of liberalism and democracy as well as the distinguished brain of the late Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida.
  • 吉村 駿夫
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 211-214
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 英学史資料影印紹介
    惣郷 正明
    1987 年 1987 巻 19 号 p. 215-222
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
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