The facts findings in this paper are summarized as follows 1) There are 3 type-agricultural-techniques in this period, the first is a normal technique which follows the evolution in the preceding periods. The second is the technique specific to this period which was needed to meet the requirement of food self sufficiency and the third is a special one to substitute the banned imported industrial materials with new materials from agricultural products. 2) Many people think the cause of the food crisis at the last stage of the World-WarII was the cut in production. But it's not correct. The food Crisis in the World-Warll period was mainly caused by military control which reoriented almost all of agricultural products into the substitutive munitions, because all industrial materials couldn't be imported. 3) The farm household-economy became much better than the Pre-War Period, supported by the inflation and the underground economies. Maybe it was the first experience for modern Japanese peasants to have realized their own power to produce foods, which is the most essential method for human beings to live.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the factual aspects and the formation process of the agricultural materials problem during wartime Japan. The main conclusions of this paper are as follows. Firstly, as agricultural materials were incorporated into the materials mobilization plan, their production was influenced by that of munitions. Secondly, due to wartime controls of agricultural materials, production became limited to certain major companies through industrial reorganization. This was observed not only in the manufacture of chemical fertilizers, but also in sectors with lower ratios of production concentration such as agricultural machinery, agricultural chemicals, seed production and local blacksmith workshops. Thirdly, there was great upheaval in the agricultural production in farms and villages since the control of agricultural materials had been done on an individual basis and there were fuel shortages. Finally, agricultural production using heavy manure had persisted until the latter stages of the war, although the internal structure had changed from the sale of fertilizer to self supplied manure. In addition, it is an observed fact that the mechanization of agriculture had advanced in spite of wartime fuel shortages. Also, joint use of agricultural equipment and cooperation spraying of the pesticide during wartime achieved a level of agricultural productivity that would be inherited after the war.

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In this paper I tried to clarify trends of regional labor markets and part-time farmers working as wage labors in factories during World War II using "The Census of Manufactures" and "The Census of Agricultures". The conclusions are as follows. (1) Regional labor markets expanded and part-time farmers working as wage labors increased, especially in and around big cities areas of the east Japan. (2) But, part-time farmers working as wage labors did not necessarily work in factories, especially in middle areas and remote areas. (3) Therefore, part-time farmers working as wage labors in factories increased restrictively, mainly in big cities areas and middle areas of the east Japan. Factors which restricted increase of part-time farmers working as wage labors in factories are summarized as follows. As factors outside of agriculture, (1) firstly there were regional differences on trends of regional labor markets as I clarified in this paper. (2) Secondly this regional labor markets were collapsed in late World War II. And as factors inside of agriculture, (1) firstly the mechanization of agriculture did not made advance. (2) Secondly there were agricultural policies which farmers were restricted to move from agriculture.

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The reorganization from the private food distribution to the control system under controlled economy accompanied amalgamation of rice stores, and Food Authoritative Corporations (Shokuryo-Eidan) established in 1942. Rice dealers who had forced to give up his management had to move to other jobs or become employed workers of Shokuryo-Eidan. But most of them also invested some money to Shokuryo-Eidan. This article tries to invest how the management and the rationing business of Shokuryo-Eidan developed in the era of the Japanese-Chinese War and the Asian-Pacific War, relying on historical management documents of Hyogo Prefecture Shokuryo-Eidan, being concerned with it's corporate governance. Larger six cities (including Kobe City) started rice ration book systems in April of 1941, and made rationing organization for it. However, in Hyogo Prefecture amalgamation of rice stores delayed, so the prefecture administration had to make leadership for organization of rice stores to prepare for the ration system. After that, the Staple Food Control Act made all prefectures to establish Shokuryo-Eidan in 1942. It promoted to accomplish a food rationing organization even in Hyogo. After establishment, by the leadership of the chairman of the board of directors, Hyogo Prefecture Shokuryo-Eidan executed not only simplification of ration business, but also expanding businesses to related fields and provided welfare facilities for workers. By contrast, profits and dividends for investors were paid little attendance. Although some executive officers stood against such a policy, the chairman carried out his plan getting back up from the prefecture administration. On the other hand, the ordinary workers rapidly got the mentality as employed people. That is to say; Shokuryo-Eidan, which was originated with amalgamation of rice stores, put on a firm footing as the organization based on a separation of ownership and management after a short period. It's center oriented management made it possible to arrange rationing system for the food situation which was getting worse.

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From the late of the 17th century to the year 1833, sugar plantation system developed under slavery in Jamaica. Black-elite slaves with such faculties as skill and leadership appeared by the late of the 18th century (formation of the "faculty-based hierarchy" ). After 1800, the race of the slaves came to have an influence on their occupations (development of the "faculty-race-based hierarchy" ). In the past theories, it has been said that the slave society contained only three classes (White overseers, Coloured artisans, and Black field slaves). And it has also been said that Coloureds were selected elites by racism. But the slave records of York Estate contain the aspects as below. 1. There were as many Black artisan-slaves as Coloured ones. 2. There was no Coloured in the post of driver. 3. There were as many non-elite Coloureds as elite ones. In the case of York Estate, racism is seen only in the principle that Coloureds should work indoors. This is just the reason why Coloureds were apt to be elites. Next two points means Coloureds were considered to be useless. 1. Manumission substantially meant abandonment. 2. Coloured women who were considered ineffective in plantations were apt to be manumitted. To explain slavery-plantation only by racism will lead to the misunderstanding of Jamaican agriculture of those days. Hierarchy in 19th century should be explained not only by race but also by faculty.

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This paper focuses on tenancy contracts in pre-war Japan and examines why a fixed-rent contract was prevalent and that it was associated by the custom of rent reduction. Based on the contract theory, it is argued that a fixed-rent contract associated with rent reduction (rent-reduction contract) is efficient in terms of provision of incentives and risk-sharing but requires high transaction costs regarding the rent reduction. Therefore, adoption and prevalence of a rent-reduction contract to a share tenancy was dependent on how these transaction costs were suppressed. This paper captures the village's intervention to private landlord-tenancy relationships as the specific characteristics of Japanese tenancy and intends to analyze its logic as well as its changes over time from pre-modern to pre-war period. It is discussed that the villages had intervened into private landlord-tenancy relationships under the order of Murauke system in pre-modern period, while "paternalistic" relations and intervention by the village continued until 1920s, which suppressed the rise of transaction costs on rent reduction and enabled the adoption of rent-reduction contract. However, continuity of the adoption and prevalence of rent reduction contract was challenged by the rise of transaction costs due to breakdown of "paternalistic" relations and community ties after the Great Depression, which was partially approved by the rage of tenancy disputes. This crisis, however, was ceased by institutionalization of the process of rent reduction and formation of collective tenancy relationships.

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