This article focuses on the following two issues: first, to illuminate the emigration practices in the Italian plain areas from the late nineteenth century to the Fascist Era: second, to analyze the political and economic life of 'the emigrant-exiles', that is, the peasants and artisans who moved from Italy to France during the Fascist Era, both for the economic reason and for the political one. This article makes the case study for these issues, taking an example from Calcinaia, a Tuscan village in the Pisa plains, which sent many 'emigrant-exiles' to Southern France, particularly to the Arles region. Calcinaia is a village along the Arno River, which had the population of about 4,000 in the late nineteenth century. The majority of the inhabitants were agricultural laborers and their families. They very often moved from one village to another, and chose their spouse from another village. Thus their migration and marriage practices were very different from those in the mountainous areas, where people chose their spouse in the same village. Also, the emigration practices were very different. As soon as the emigration to Southern France began in the 1880s, the number of emigrants increased rapidly and they often emigrated with all the family members. The profile of the emigrant-exiles of Calcinaia can be found in 'Casellario Politico Centrale', archives of the Italian Ministry of the Interior. Among ninety-eight persons of Calcinaia recorded in these archives, sixty-nine moved to France during the Fascist Era. They were all men, relatively young and the majority of whom were agricultural laborers. Their livelihood in France depended on immigrant communities composed by their countrymen. During their stay in France, some continued to lead local antifascist movements, but others ceased to be involved in any political activities, and came back to Calcinaia to pass the 'tranquil life' in their home town. The Fascist government permitted them to return to Italy in order to obtain the cooperation to the regime from them. This article may conclude that it was a clear antifascist manifestation for 'the emigrant-exiles' to continue to stay in France and to refuse to return to Italy, since their home-coming only meant cooperation to the Fascist regime.

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One of the current issues of the historical researches on the agricultural emigrants in modern Japan is to draw a total view of the emigrants from mainland Japan to each colonial area of the Japanese Empire. This article analyzes the agricultural emigrant policy of Karafuto, or South Sakhalin, in 1940s so that the result of the analysis will contribute to the issue. In Karafuto, they adopted a policy that the emigrants from mainland Japan were to be settled in the southern part of Karafuto, promoting the beets production, until 1940. In reality, however, the majority of the agricultural emigrants were settled in the northern part of Karafuto, and they found it difficult to conduct the beets production there. In addition, the sugar company which purchased the beets from the emigrants ran a deficit in 1940. Then, they changed the agricultural emigrant policy in 1940. The new policy promoted the large-scale mechanization agriculture which did not require the emigrants as labor power. The statutory company was established as an organization to conduct the agriculture section in 1941. The agricultural section was expected to run a deficit so that the company set up other several sections to compensate the agricultural section's deficit. As a result, the forestry section and the fur industry section grew to be the core business of the company, and the agricultural section was stagnant until 1945. In 1930s, the statutory companies were established in each colonial area. These companies promoted the policy of the agricultural emigrants from mainland Japan. This case study on Karafuto suggests that the integrated comparative studies on these statutory companies are required in order to totally understand the agricultural emigrants from the mainland Japan to the colonial areas.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine how refugee-new-farmers, produced through the land reform, reacted to the formation of rural socialism, specially to the collectivization in Kreis Bad Doberan in Bezirk Rostock 1952-1960. There were some local communities in which the refugee-new-farmers got the political power through the land reform. According to the reactions to the collectivization policy since 1952, we could divide these villages into three types; 1) Villages with positive foundation of the cooperative, 2) Villages with foundation by a minor group, broken down by June 17th Uprising, 3) Villages with the negative reactions to collectivization in 1952-53, therefore without any cooperative till 1957. Analyzing villages of the third type, we find refugee-new-farmers becoming economically strong. Although not faithful to the communist ideology but often joining to a local religious practice, they had held the political power as local SED party members. They were forced to accept the complete collectivization from 1958 to 1960; however, they showed a wide diversity; 1) foundation of a village-wide-cooperative, 2) foundation of plural cooperatives in a village, 3) foundation only by strong new farmers, forcing another small cooperative to disappear. Under the strong political force from above, it suggests that what strategy they had taken was one of significant moments for the formation of rural socialism in Postwar East Germany.

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The subject of this research is to discuss the aspect change of rural societies during and after the war through the change of age group that leads rural societies by means of examination of age structure of municipal agricultural land committee during and after the war. We have two subjects to approach. The first subject is to discuss the agricultural land committee members' average age and standard deviation in the period of postwar reform in order to explain the regionality of age structure of agricultural land committee and how age structure of agricultural land committee changed during and after the war. The second subject is to discuss the choice of a president of municipal agricultural land committee in the period of postwar reform from the viewpoint of age. In the traditional research, municipal agricultural land committee during and after the war was discussed mainly from the viewpoint of people of each rank such as landowner, landed farmer, and peasant, but not from the viewpoint of age. Therefore this research is something of a novelty in its field. Firstly as a result of the analysis of age structure of municipal agricultural land committee in the period of postwar reform, it has been found out that the average age of all the committee members in Japan was 48.5 with the member between the ages of 45 and 50 making up the largest number and that younger generation accounted for a large share of the total. Concerning the average age divided by prefecture, the members in Iwate, Aomori, and Ishikawa were younger than the others while those in Chiba, Ibaragi, and Oita were older. Secondly as a result of the discussion of municipal agricultural land committee members' average age during and after the war, it has been found out that the members got younger by five years while the presidents got younger by ten years. This movement looked the same as the case where the president of a large industrial conglomerate got younger during and after the war. Thirdly it has been found out that the seniority system clearly worked when a president of municipal agricultural land committee was chosen. The seniority system was clearly seen in Shiga, Fukushima, and Nara Prefecture

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