I examined the royal inscriptions of Lugalzagesi and Sargon on two subjects: 1) geographical views of the world as they appeared in the inscriptions, 2) phraseology of the inscriptions.
 Lugalzagesi's inscription described geographical areas in three ways: the region from the sunrise to the sunset, the region from the lower sea to the upper sea, and regions described with a pair of the terms, kalam and kur. The first and the second views were based on people's commonsense. The third one was derived from political thought. It developed as the concept of the political sphere of influence shifted from the city-state to the regional state. This political concept had a strong influence on Mesopotamian kings until the first halfofthe second millennium B.C.
 Royal inscriptions were not records of events simply written down as they occurred. To understand how the contents of royal inscriptions related to historical facts, we need to consider the phraseology used and their overall structure.

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Seas and lakes (Akkadian tâmtu) located in the surrounds of Mesopotamia, which the Assyrians encountered in their military campaigns, are mentioned in Assyrian royal inscriptions under various names. These sea names were used not only for indicating specific geographical entities, but also for expressing political ideas relating to the extent of the Assyrian dominion. Many of the terminological components such as “upper” or “of the sunset” were used at different times to refer to different bodies of water over the course of time. The rich variety in the appellations of seas attested in the Assyrian royal inscriptions from different times essentially originated in scribal efforts to renovate the use of geographical terminology. The terminological development clearly reflects the changes in the interests of Assyrian rulers in the seas over the course o f time.

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The paper discusses the evidence for the harbors, trading posts, and/or administrative centers called kāru in Neo-Assyrian documentary sources, especially those constructed on the frontiers of the Assyrian empire during the ninth to seventh centuries BC.
 New Assyrian cities on the frontiers were often given names that stress the glory and strength of Assyrian kings and gods. Kār-X, i.e., “Quay of X” (X = a royal/divine name), is one of the main types. Names of this sort, given to cities of administrative significance, were probably chosen to show that the Assyrians were ready to enhance the local economy.
 An exhaustive examination of the evidence relating to cities named Kār-X and those called kāru or bīt-kāri on the western frontiers illustrates the advance of Assyrian colonization and trade control, which eventually spread over the entire region of the eastern Mediterranean. The Assyrian kārus on the frontiers served to secure local trading activities according to agreements between the Assyrian king and local rulers and traders, while representing first and foremost the interest o f the former party.
 The official in charge of the kāru(s), the rab-kāri, appears to have worked as a royal deputy, directly responsible for the revenue of the royal house from two main sources: (1) taxes imposed on merchandise and merchants passing through the trade center(s) under his control, and (2) tribute exacted from countries of vassal status. He thus played a significant role in Assyrian exploitation of economic resources from areas beyond the jurisdiction of the Assyrian provincial government.

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The bīt ḫilāni is a well-known type of the north Syrian palace architecture from the first half of the first millennium B.C. The purpose of this study is to investigate methodological problems in studies of this type, and to evaluate its influence on historical researches.
 First, we study the distribution and features o f plans o f remains regarded as bīt ḫilāni (BH) type, and by doing so, we reveal that study of the type had serious shortcomings from the beginning, i.e., from the first step of defining the type. This is a problem that should have been solved fifty years ago, but it has influenced the study of ancient Palestinian history ever since.
 Presently, some Biblical archaeologists are arguing that the Iron Age IIA (tenth century B.C.) should be dated a hundred years later. Their assertion is based on the traditional views that the BH-type architecture must have been constructed at Palestine, and that there are no signs of similarly developed royal institutions or monumental buildings in the region from eastern Turkey to Transjordan from the tenth century B.C. Reexamining the plans of the BH-type architecture in Palestine shows that the former view cannot be substantiated. Consequently it is too early to reconsider the chronology of Palestine by means of discussing the BH type.
 What we should do now is to return to the starting point of the BH research, i.e., Assyrian texts. Neo-Assyrian kings emphasized that they copied characteristic porticos from north Syrian palaces called bīt ḫilāni in Assyrian palaces. At the present stage, the most reasonable definition for a BH-type building will be “a public building which has an entrance having columns with decorated bases.”

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In this essay, I will attempt to clarify the meaning of “istiḥsān” as discussed by early Ḥanafī jurists. Istiḥsān in this context may be rendered as the private judgment of a believer, as to whether a matter is licit (ḥalāl) or forbidden (ḥarām), according to the best of his opinion (akbar al-ra'y) or, more frequently, the highest probability (aghlab al-ẓan), without any evidence of strict law. On this scale, where any legal matter is subject to religious, as well as judicial qualification, istiḥsān had an impact on Ḥanafī legal thought, as will be demonstrated with regard to the law ofevidence. Istiḥsān therefore is a necessary instrument under religious law that enables the believer to act on his own judgement with certitude and ease. It is noteworthy that the Ḥanafīs discussed legal devises (ḥiyal) at the same level as istiḥsān, for both legitimate human actions religiously and judicially. In principle, istiḥsān, as a private judgment, is far removed from a judgment imposed by the judicial authority. However, in those cases in which a private person finds himself confronted with a judicial authority who would issue another judgment; the early Ḥanafīs attempted to accommodate the private judgment to the judicial system for the unity of norm in the Muslim Community.

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This paper analyzes Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d.1111)'s Book on the Manners of Marriage (Kitāb Ādāb al-Nikāḥ) in his The Revival of the Religious Sciences (Iḥyā' ‘Ulūm al-Dīn, and examines the relation between the ideal married life and the practices of Sufism. In studies until now, the contents of this book have been often examined from the viewpoint of sexuality and the problem of women in Islam; however, not much attention has been paid to al-Ghazālī's evaluation of marriage within Sufism in these studies. Rather, in studies of marriage, women, and sexuality in Sufism, the focus has usually been on the ideas on sexuality of Ibn al-‘Arabī (d.1240), while few studies of al-Ghazālī's Sufism analyze his discussion of marriage. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is to examine al-Ghazālī's discussion of marriage from the viewpoint of Sufism and to clarify its originality in the history of Sufi thought, comparing it with that of Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī (d.998), a Sufi who influenced al-Ghazālī considerably and discussed marriage in detail.
 Al-Ghazālī argues that there are many advantages in living with a wife in marriage, and he demonstrates that a man can devote himself to the worship of God and lead an ideal Sufi life with the help of marriage. On the other hand, al-Makkī maintains that celibacy is preferable, at least in his time. Most ofhis discussion is fragmentary and not as developed as al- Ghazālī's, though he does treat marriage more comprehensively than the Sufis before him. Al-Ghazālī demonstrates that for practicing the remembrance of God which leads to seeing God in the hereafter, marriage is better than celibacy. It is concluded that al-Ghazālī's theoretical discussion o f marriage is an effort toward the popularization o f Sufism.

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Badr al-Dī al-‘Aynī, one of the famous ‘ulamā’ of the Circassian Mamluk Period, is also known as the author of the huge world chronicle, ‘Iqd al-jumān. In spite of its importance as a source for the Baḥrī Mamluk Period, the ‘Iqd remains unpublished except for very small parts; neither has the relationship among the various manuscripts been studied.
 To grasp the whole structure of the ‘Iqd, I investigated a number of manuscripts and identified the following series: (1) a series of nineteen volumes (autographs and Ikhmīmī's set), (2) a series of thirty-eight half- volumes (Azharī's set etc.) (3) a series of four large volumes, which is composed of fragments from the above two series (the Ottoman sets). It also became clear that a few fragments of Ta’rīkh al-badr (the Badr), another of al-‘Aynī's chronicles, were mingled with the ‘Iqd.
 Next, as a sample, I took the descriptions of the year 728 AH from six manuscripts labeled as “‘Iqd” and two Badr manuscripts, and compared them. Consequently, I identified four groups of al-‘Aynī's writings as follows: (1) the full version of the ‘Iqd (Ahmet 2911/al7; Süleymaniye 835; Beșir Aǧa 457), (2) its extract (Ahmet 2911/a18), (3) the full version of the Badr (Süleymaniye 830; BL Add. 22360), and (4) its extract (Carullah 1591; Selim Aǧa 837).
 Then, I analyzed al-‘Aynī's sources. It became clear that he depended on al-Yūsufi and, probably on al-Nuwayrī, whom he wrongly identified as Ibn Kathīr. The source analysis also clarified the process of al-‘Aynī's historical writing; first he wrote the Badr, and then rewrote his new chronicle, the ‘Iqd, based on the Badr, adding new information derived from at-Yūsufi.

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Eža is one of the West Gurage languages within the Ethio-Semitic language family. It is spoken in the south-western part of Ethiopia in the Gurage Zone, particularly in the Ežana Wenene district. ‘Eža’ also designates the people who speak it. In this article I made an attempts to describe the derivation of verbs in the language. In section I, types of verbs are discussed. Verbs are grouped as Type A, Type B and Type C base on their stem patterns (germination of consonants and vowel quality). It is shown that most verbs in the language are tri-radicals. It is argued that radicals below three were originally tri-radicals and they are therefore reduced forms and that the original form can be reconstructed. Derivations of verbs have been grouped into simple derivation and complex derivation. The former refers to the derivation of verbs by affixing a morpheme or other mechanisms of internal modification such as vowel change or germination of consonants or both. The latter refers to the derivation of verbs by combining two or more affixes in addition to internal modifications. The derivation of passive/reflexive, causative, adjutative, frequentative and reciprocal are discussed under the sub title simple verb derivation. In the subsection on complex verbal derivation, verbs like the frequentative passive, frequentative o f reciprocal, frequentative causative, reciprocal causative, and causative o f the frequentative reciprocal are expounded. As the derivation process involves both affixation and changes of stem patterns, listing the derivational morphemes without the stem patterns seems skeptical. Therefore, I encourage the reader to go through the text in order to have a full understanding ofthe derivation processes.

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