Major nations rushed to telecom liberalization and privatization of state owned carriers since 1980s. However, there are significant duration gaps between introduction of liberalization and completion of privatization between these nations. For example, UK had released whole government shares in early 1990s. On the other hand, the government still holds incumbent's shares at the end of 2012 in France, Germany and Japan. There are also significant variations among these nations in terms of implementation timing and degree of liberalization and privatization. Focusing on these domestic gaps and international variations of telecom policies, this study introduces a hypothesis that incumbent carriers' corporate behaviors and their co-opetition relationships with new entrants incur bias, depending on timing, degree and depth of liberalization and privatization. As a result, it is assumed there appear large variations in each incumbent carrier's size, corporate value, organizational structure and especially M&A activity.

This study aims to first identify the shifts in the technology paradigm in the fields of information and communications and electronics using an eclectic and extensive approach inspired by qualitative research. The second is to evaluate and detect the trend in Japan's unique"evolutionar y"deviation path known as the Galapagos Syndrome. The theory-data continuum in this paper limits the problem to a specific routine; namely, the production of research articles on research and development activities in Japan. It proposes an innovative scientometrics method making use of public choice-theory research in order to measure and evaluate capability in terms of bureaucratic behavior strategy under dynamically changing circumstances. This study concludes that our approach to describe strategic pitfall through data that enhances abductive reasoning is beneficial to both academicians and practitioners as intermediaries between inductive case analysis and deductive statistical hypothesis testing.

Back in March 11, 2011, Fukushima nuclear accident occurred. As a result, Japanese people's support for nuclear electricity generation decreased before and after the accident. This created a need for the Japanese government to review existing nuclear policy. The government conducted national dialogue about nuclear electricity with a broad range of people in this reviewing process.

　A national dialogue had three approaches. Public Comment Systems (PCS) and Public Healings (PH) are traditional methods. It is noteworthy that the government adopts Deliberative Polling (DP), a novelty public consultation method.

　Surveys in national dialogue have both merits and demerits. Opinions are collected through Public Comment Systems and Public Healings are likely to be biased. DP participants are not likely to close to the population, but they are given the opportunity to deliberate: to read briefing materials, to discuss with other participants, and to take part in a question-and-answer session with professionals.

　We conclude that DP results were representative of public opinion, and reflected on how these would affect in the revision of the nuclear policy. This indicates that DP is the most useful method of gauging public opinion on science and technology related changes.

Science and technology has potentiality to respond to various expectations from the society. In implementation of such technologies to the social challenges in local communities, we need to have accountability to prove its effectiveness and comparative advantage to other policy measures which pursue similar social outcomes. At the same time, a systemic approach to achieve maximized synergy between technological measures and non-technological (or community) measures is desired to fully utilize limited resources, which also can adapt the change of societal and technological development.

　In this paper, we would like to present integrated evaluation framework deploying Policy Marketing and Social Return on Investment (SROI) methodology which enables to cover multiple social issues which involve both policies and programs, technology and community solutions. Policy Marketing is utilized to set a policy goal which is based in the demand from the society, where SROI is to evaluate the social value of the program level policy execution.

Since Buchanan and Tullock pointed out in their 1962 book, The Calculus of Consent, that not only ordinary people but also politicians maximize their utility, Public Choice research has created numerous works that clarify political failure. The Virginia school led by Buchanan and Tullock faces theoretical challenges of the Chicago school of political economy that tends to insist on political success.

　The paper introduces arguments by Wittman (1995), one of Chicagoans, and shows how ideas of the Virginia school and the Chicago school are different. Then I attempt to work out a compromise between the both ideas. One of the attempts is to have a short-long term theory of democracy that democracy is not successful in producing efficient outcome in the short run but in the long run. The other of the attempts is to pay attention to the point that political transaction cost does not make political Coase theorem hold true and to consider political institutions that save political transaction cost. Finally the paper offers future prospects of Public Choice research after the Virginia-Chicago controversy.

The Arrovian impossibility theorem disproves the existence of the general will and the stability of democratic politics. The result is detrimental to both the normative and the positive theory of democracy. In response, normative theorists try to reestablish the general will by stressing informational, deliberative, and reflexive effects associated with deliberative democracy, while positive theorists try to show democratic stability by analyzing agenda-setting institutions such as legislative committees.

　Contrastingly, Riker (1982, 1986) and McLean (2003) theorize political leaders' attempts at changing issue dimensions and realigning the majority coalition in pursuit of their policy agenda, the act referred to as "heresthetic." They apply the theory of heresthetic to reinterpreting major turning points in American and British political history.

　Despite the plethora of analytical elegance and historical insights, their studies give rise to the following questions: What would heresthetic politicians seek to accomplish, given democratic stability predicted by the normative and positive theories? How could they keep stability against change of governments with varying values and interests?

　This article tries to provide answers to the questions by analyzing the dilemma between democracy and constitutionalism. In addition, it tries to account for instability and leadership's weakness that inhere in contemporary Japanese politics.