The current article examines the potential role of topography in suicide. First, I analyzed suicide data from 3,318 municipalities in Japan during the 30-year period of 1973–2002. I found that suicide rate was higher in municipalities with steeper slopes than less steep slopes. Moreover, the association between steep slopes and suicide rate remained significant, controlling for other well-known ecological factors such as population density, daylight hours, and snow. Second, I found that elevation per se was less important in predicting suicide rate than the presence of sharp slopes. That is, even if two municipalities are located in the same elevation (e.g., 600 meters above the water level), a municipality with more steep slopes tends to have a higher suicide rate than a municipality with more flat areas. In a flat community, there are more shops, clinics, and other gathering places easily accessible to its residents than in a sloped community. More generally, I posit that harsh natural environments demand more patience and self-control, which in turn makes residents in harsh environments less likely to seek help from others, which could result in a higher rate of suicide.

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Ecological threats impose substantial selective pressure throughout the animal kingdom, and drive the evolution of specific behavioral and social systems best suited for a given ecological niche. However, the specific role that ecological variables have played in the evolution of human behavior, cognition, and culture has only recently become a topic of rigorous empirical investigation. This paper considers the implications of one specific ecological variable—the threat of infectious disease—for individual behavior, cognition and, ultimately, the evolution of contemporary cultural differences. An emerging body of research conducted at multiple levels of analysis suggests that cross-cultural variation in the threat of disease may be responsible, at least in part, for cultural variation in personality, attitudes, and value systems. This psychological variation may also have downstream consequences for variation in institutions as well. Mechanisms that may account for these relationships and implications are discussed.

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Our conscious visual experience of the environment is derived from optical information consisting of an ever-changing distribution of light specified in angular units. To transform these units into linear spatial units appropriate for the specification of spatial extents, the visual system needs geometry and a ruler to scale the information. We review the evidence that perceptual rulers derive from the body’s phenotype, which is comprised of our morphology, physiology, and behavioral repertoire. We then propose that perception is also scaled relative to the socio-ecological environment. In this account, social resources affect perception by extending or contracting the relevant physiological ruler. Additionally, we suggest the human ecology functions to select the relevant perceptual ruler. Finally, we highlight research on individual differences as a useful method to further investigate these issues. In moving forward, a complete account of visual perception must necessarily include the socio-ecological environment.

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Personality psychology and socioecological research are kindred spirits in their investigation of person-environment transactions at different levels of analysis. In the present article, we provide an overview of empirical findings that substantiate the links between personality variation and (social) environment structures at both macro and individual levels of analysis. In doing so, we are particularly concerned about the role of geographical mobility; thus, we explore the conditions that bring it into effect as a moderator or mediator of person-environment associations. We complement our theoretical considerations with an empirical example from our research project PEDES—Personality Development of Sojourners to show that, indeed, personality traits determine individuals’ proximal social environments through both direct effects and indirect processes of self-selection in geographical mobility experiences. We conclude with reflections on future study objectives that capitalize on the integration of macro-level and individual-level perspectives in person-environment research.

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Human development is embedded in various social contexts, such as family, peers, and cultures. Since Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical work, many developmental psychologists have investigated environmental influences on human development. In this article, we review the research investigating how social environments interactively affect the development of theory of mind (i.e., the ability to attribute mental states to oneself and to others). We first introduce Bronfennbrenner’s ecological systems theory of human development. Based on his socio-ecological perspective, we review previous research discussing the relationships between proximal (i.e., parents and siblings) and distal environments (i.e., socio-economic status, culture, and educational system), and the mental state understanding of children. Finally, we discuss future directions of developmental research in this area and potential applications in education.

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