Southeast Asia: History and Culture
Online ISSN : 1883-7557
Print ISSN : 0386-9040
ISSN-L : 0386-9040
Volume 1988, Issue 17
Displaying 1-10 of 10 articles from this issue
  • Michiki KIKUCHI
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 3-37
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Looking into the structure of export in Cochinchina in the 1860's just after the years of the opening of the port of Saigon, we find two interesting points that can't be explained in the framework of any economic history theory.
    1. The sum of rice export was about 60-80% of total.
    2. The main orientation of rice export was not toward Western countries, but semi-colonized country China, and from the 70s on, three colonized Southeast Asian countries of the Netherlands India, the Straits Settlements, and the Philippines became the secondary important markets of the rice of Cochinchina.
    We may say monoculture was neither the result of the opening of the port, nor was immediately created by French colonization. These facts suggest us that the proto-type of rice monoculture had already existed before the opening of the port, and that the economic relations of Intra-asian countries were very important in the pre-modern world.
    From the end of the Ming dynasty (the first half of 16th century), commercial agriculture began to develop in China, especially in the southern provinces like Canton, Fukien. Farmers abandoned rice culture to specialise in producing tea and silkworms. They, of necessity, depended on rice supply from not only other internal regions but also foreign countries. Although China did not wholly rely on foreign rice, the drain of rice from Vietnam impacted seriously on the Vietnamese food situation. So emperors of the Nguyen dynasty restricted or prohibited the export of rice from ‘Namky’ (the area later called Cochinchina). But the control was not so completely exercised that not a little rice was sold to Chinese merchants. Thus, rice became really produced as an export commodity by village authorities who had accumulated a lot of land.
    In 1860, on the free-trade principle, Admiral Page proclaimed merchantships of any nationality could have free access to the port of Salgon. As a result, even rice export could become legally carried out and pre-modern protectionism was replaced by a free-market mechanism. Under the French rule, internal commerce also came to be open to men of all nationalities. Chinese merchants could engage in all kinds of business without restriction. They got immediately informations on markets of all over the world by utilizing the newly-built network of telegraph, and chartered European and American steamers. The Bank of Indochina, established in 1875 as a central bank of Cochinchina, offered them the speedy and secure method of foreign exchange. In this way, Chinese merchants virtually monopolized the commerce of Cochinchina, and rural economy of Cochinchina was integrated into the world economy by them.
    As trade of Cochinchina developed, the two points as stated above grew clearer. Cochinchina's economy came to present a typical rice monoculture, and the commerce with China and three South Asian countries increased. The increasing rice supply from Cochinchina contributed to the specialization of industry and the development of export of silk and tea toward Western countries in China. In the economic relation, Cochinchina became as if a part of China's provinces. In the same way, three South Asian countries, that introduced many Chinese labours, could also turn out to specialize in producing primary products such as sugar, rubber, and tin. These rice-imported countries, however, did not completely abandon rice culture, so the demand of rice from them depended on each domestic crop. For this reason, it was necessary for Chinese merchants to keep world-wide rice markets in case of good crop in those Asian countries.
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  • Tsuneyuki SUZUKI
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 38-59
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    The aim of this paper is to examine the royal line of the Palembang Sultanate. In order to inquiry into this subject, especially before the mid-17th. century, we should check the Malay manuscripts written by Palembang people, comparing them with the contemporary Dutch documents from the VOC archives. These Malay manuscripts include genealogies, genealogical accounts and historical traditions of the Palembang Sultanate.
    In this work, some new facts were found about the royal line chiefly in the early period. The chronological list of raja's or sultans are given as follows:
    (1) Kiai Geding Sura. 1559/58 (H966)-1580/81 (H988). 22 years.
    (2) Kiai Geding Ilir. Kiai Geding Sura Muda. a younger brother of (1). 1580/81-1581/82 (H989). 1 year.
    (3) Kemas Depati. a son of (2). 1581/82-1593/92 (H1001). 12 years.
    (4) Pangeran Mading Suka. a younger brother of (3). 1593/92-1627 (H1036). 35 years.
    (5) Pangeran Made Alit. Raja Adipati. a younger brother of (4). 1627-1629 (H1038/39). 2 years.
    (6) Pangeran Siding Pura. Raja Raden Aria. a younger brother of (5) 1629-1636 (H1045). 7 years.
    (7) Pangeran Siding Kenayan. Raden Tumenggung. a son of (3). 1636-?.
    (8) Pangeran Siding Pesarian. a cousin of (7).: ?-?.
    (9) Pangeran Siding Rajak. a son of (8). ?-1660 (H1070). (7)-(9): total 25 years.
    An interregnum for some months.
    (10) Suhunan Abdulrahman. Sultan Abdul Jemal. Raden Tumenggung. a younger brother of (9). 1660 (H1071)-25 October 1701 (H1113) abdicated. 10 December 1706 died. 42 years.
    (11) Sultan Muhammad Mansur. Sultan Ingalaga. a son of (10). 1701-1714 (H1126). 13 years.
    (12) Sultan Kamaruddin. a younger brother of (11). 1714-1724 (H1136). 10 years.
    (13) Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. a son of (11) and son-in-law of (12). 1724-1757 (H1171). 35 years.
    (14) Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin. a son of (13). 1757-1776 (H1190). 19 years.
    (15) Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin. a son of (14). 1776-1804 (H 1218). 28 years.
    (16) Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. a son of (15). 1804-1812 (H 1227). 9 years.
    Probably, (8) Pangeran Siding Pesarian usurpted the throne from (7) by poisoning. Therefore, he and his descendants needed to claim their legitimacy that they should succeed to the thrones. One of means for claimimg the legitimacy was praising their family, especially Pesarian's father Raden Tumenggung Mancanegara and his sister Ratu Sinuhun, as the great founder of adat law in Palembang. This is the origin of the legend of Ratu Sinuhun.
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  • A Case of Priangan, West Java
    Atsuko OHASHI
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 60-85
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    In this paper the author discusses the historical character of the local administration of the Dutch residents in the Priangan area around the year 1820. It is an initial step in her study of the administration of Dutch local officials throughout all of Java during the mid-nineteenth century.
    In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the Dutch East India Company ruled over the Priangan area through the Commissioner of Native Affairs, a Company employee, who resided at Batavia. His main tasks were purchasing coffee at low prices from native chiefs, and supervising them. He could treat the chiefs rather arbitrarily. He could appoint and dismiss them freely, while he transacted with them and advanced money to them. However, as for the administration, he left the chiefs to control the Priangan area according to traditional custom.
    Between 1807 and 1816, the system of local rule in Priangan was reorganized by Daendels and Raffles. They introduced into Java the administrative divisions delineated by clear boundaries, which was a peculiar new concept in Indonesia. Priangan became one of these divisions. Moreover, a European administrator was appointed as the new ruler. Nevertheless in practice, the new system was still at a stage of uncertainty during this period.
    In 1816 the Dutch colonial government regained Java from England, and 3 years after promulgated regulations of local administration, which replaced the system and policy of predecessors. According to the official diary of Priangan residents in 1819-1821, the main feature of control over the Priangan area under these regulations can be described as follows:
    The Priangan area became a residency delineated by an clear boundery, and was supervised by a resident, who was a Dutch administrative official. Under the tight supervision of the Dutch colonial government, he directly controlled almost all the phases of administration of his residency, the most important of which was the maintenance of public order.
    He received instructions and orders directly from the colonial government, the director of finance, the high court, and the other superior offices and officials at Batavia, and reported them respectively. In his residency, he was the chief police officer, as well as the prosecutor and judge in the native criminal court of the residency. At the same time, he supervised finance, personnel changes, traveler's affairs, public enterprises, native welfare, and coffee production. In these affairs, he instructed directly not only Dutch subordinates such as an assistant resident, coffee inspectors, warehouse keepers, but also native functionaries such as the chiefs, native prosecutors, and the native police force.
    Moreover, in order to maintain the coffee production monopoly, which was the staple plant of Priangan, the resident depended upon all of the aforesaid powers. He excluded Europeans and Chinese merchants from his residency, surveyed the residency with native police forces, and arrested coffee smugglers. He also encouraged such public enterprises as construction of roads and bridges to make the government's transportation of coffee more convenient.
    Thus, the character of the new rule of this resident was quite different from that of the Company's Commissioner before 1807. The new rule had a character similar to the regulation of 1819, which was the framework of the colonial administration in Java in the mid-nineteenth century [Furnivall 1944: 91-2]. Therefore. the resident administration about 1820 can be considered as the earier type of local administration through the Dutch colonial bureaucracy in this area. And since then, it seems to have been taken up by Dutch local officials, who were positively dependent upon their administrative powers to maintain the colonial exploitation.
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  • The Retrospects and Prospects
    S. Kurihara
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 86-106
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Xian-Si CHEN
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 107-114
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    As an epoch-making event in the history of friendship between China and Kampuchea, Zhu Ying and Kang Tai's serving as diplomatic envoys to Funan took place in the 3rd century AD. Yet, exactly in what year of that century, there have been many different opinions both in China and in the other countries.
    Prof. Sugimoto asserts that Zhu “Congshi” and Kang “Zhonglang” were sent by Lu Dai, governor of Kaozhou in the kingdom Wu, and that the king they met in Funan was Fan Zhan. Thus he infers that the time of this diplomatic mission was the first year of Huanglong (229 AD). Prof. Watabe holds an opinion that the king whom Zhu and Kang met in Funan was Fan Xun and there the two met two envoys from India, Chen and Song, who were then staying in Funan. For this reason, he judges that the time of Zhu and Kang's mission must be between 243 and 252 AD.
    In the “Biography of Lu Dai in the History of the Three Kingdoms”, it was not clearly pointed out who was the “Congshi”, an official position, also nothing about “Zhonglang”, an official position, was mentioned. But in the “Commentaries of Hainan in the Book of Liang”, it was clearly recorded that the envoy which Shun Quan, king of Wu, sent to the south for the propaganda for his country was “Congshi” Zhu Ying and “Zhonglang” Kang Tai. It is hard to regard what the two books recorded as one event. And “Zhonglang”, the official position, is in the central government. The local governor had no right to dispatch “Zhonglang”. The event was so clearly written that it couldn't be confused. There was description about Zhu and Kang's diplomatic mission to Xun's kingdom in the “Commentaries of Funan in the Book of Liang”. And Zhu and Kang's mission also provides some appropriate proofs. Therefore, it can be considered that the king they met was Fan Xun. Since there was an account that Fan Zhan, king of Funan, dispatched envoys to send musicians and local specialities in the sixth year of Chiwu 243 AD. in “Wu's Chronicles from History of the Three Kingdoms”, the time of Zhu and Kang's serving as diplomatic envoys could only be after 243 AD, because at that time Fan Zhan was still on the throne. So the king was not yet Fan Xun whom they met. Shun Quan died in the second year of Tai-yuan, 252 A D. The time of his sending of Zhu and Kang abroad could not be later than 252 AD. Considering the description in the “Commentaries of Zhuyi in the Book of Liang” that Zhu and Kang met the two Indian envoys Chen and Song who were then visiting Funan and calculating years, the latest time limit could even be pushed back to 247 AD.
    To summerize, my opinion on the question is that the time of Zhu and Kang's serving as diplomatic envoys to Funan should be between 244 and 247 AD. This may be the shortest length of time we can so far decide on.
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  • Van Tao
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 115-129
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Y. Akashi
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 130-133
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • S. Sawakabu
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 134-136
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 137-171
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • 1987
    S. Hayase, S. Nara
    1988 Volume 1988 Issue 17 Pages 180-222
    Published: May 30, 1988
    Released on J-STAGE: March 16, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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