This paper is a product of a joint research project on the popular millenarian movements in Asia conducted under the leadership of the late professor Chusei Suzuki and Professor Yoneo Ishii from 1978 to 1983. The aim of this paper is to clarify the typological characteristics of this kind of movements in the Catholic societies of the Philippines.
Two cases will be discussed: the movement of Cofradia de San José and that of Santa Iglesia, both Catholic brotherhoods. The Cofradia de San José, organized in 1832 in the province of Tayabas (now Quezon), spread to the adjacent provinces of Laguna and Batangas and broke out into a millenarian uprising in 1841 only to be defeated devastatingly. Full scale documentation of this movement with the use of original sources of the Philippine National Archives may be seen in [Ikehata, 1985]. On the other hand, the Santa Iglesia was popular in the Central Luzon provinces of Pampanga, Bulacan and Nueva Ecija from about 1887 to 1910. Most of the factual data of this movement rely on the previous works of [Ileto, 1979], [Guerrero, 1977], [Robles et al., 1976] and [Coats, 1968].
Through the analysis of the two movements on such aspects as their historical development, characters of participants, organization and leadership, and doctrines and prophecies advocated by their leaders, we can point out the following common characteristics of the two. First, the two movements did not embrace millenarianism from the beginning. They started as peaceful spiritual movements to pray for the happiness in this world and the salvation of souls after death. However, the leaders of the two movements started to propose millenarian uprising when they were faced with the annihilative oppression of the colonial authorities. In other words, the intensification of the oppression of the authorities compelled the two brotherhoods to take the millenarian stand. Second, the leaders could make a sudden proposal of millenarian uprising because through the Pasyon (Passion) the people were familiar with the apocalyptic vision. The followers believed their leaders' millenarian prophecies were realizable on the basis of this knowledge so, they confidently joined the uprising. Third, the Pasyon also influenced the character of the leadership. It was the people's common belief through the Pasyon that Hesukristo was the Savior of the poor. Therefore the two leaders likened themselves to the image of Hesukristo to obtain the people's respect and support. And last, the two movements were supported by the people of the lower strata who felt strongly the relative deprivation brought about by the economic and political ruling classes. In its essence, the movements were anti-colonial protests to liberate themselves from colonial exploitation and suppression. However, the participants did not think of their liberation in modern concepts. They comprehended their situation in accordance with the Catholic frame of meaning, seeking their liberation by the mercy cf God. They wanted a society where everybody was perfectly equal. The brotherhood was an exemplary model. One of the main reasons why the colonial authorities oppressed them to the extent that they were forced to advocate millenarian uprising was this egalitarianism.

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This is a study of Philippine presidential appointments to explain in the framework of political clientelism, where appointments to the offices is one of major political resources for the President in the exchanges of support. The examples are intensively drawn from unofficial documents Ramon Magsaysay Presidential Papers and Carlos P. Garcia Presidential Papers, in the days of 1950's, but the offices of middle and lower rank, rather than highest officers like cabinet member rank, are focused.
The purposes are dual. One is the general description of constitutional, legal and institutional aspects, which provide the basic arena for the generation of presidential clientelism, and the other, general argument of traditional political model where Philippine social culture is largely responsible for its basic operational norm.
In Chapter I, it is argued that highly centralized institutions, such as centerlocal relations, the prerogative of Presidential appointing power, wide range of coverage and the numbers of appointees, as well as political effects of electoral system and of the Commission on Appointment in reality assigned intervention and intercession as key concept in the fighting of Filipino's appointive process.
In Chapter II, the authority and role of the Philippine president in traditional society is briefly explored. The expectations of highly personalized, de facto authority but full of legal authority are derived from the role model of traditional patron and political broker in the modern state system. Therefore, appointees, by nature, are allowed submissive sharing of power and influence of president's personal authority from which he draws his own power.
Chapter III illustrates politics of Philippine presidential appointments as patronage process and political instrumental through varieties of examples listed below.
Centralized nature of control over local offices are briefly reviewed and exemplified by Magsaysay's military officer as chief of police of its administative and political effect, and by Garcia's Cebu Vice-Mayor, made out of purely political consideration through the Osmeña, Sr. men.
Beyond qualification, personal loyalty, and contribution, considerations of cultural factor, political utility and constraints weigh in President's making choice. The trustworthy are those who have private ties and direct access, such as patron-client relations, family associations, compadres, professional associates, political party mates, province and town fellows, often being overlapped, but of different professions. By appointing one, the president gains more supports from those who are connected to the appointee. In seeking bureaucratic position, the competitive “palakasan” game of political backing or influence on the part of appointees is inevitable along with logics of exchanges and norms of reciprocity.
An established practice of privilege in recommending successors from the same locality to the unfinished term of higher office is exemplified, to symbolize and to represent pragmatic interests of local and linguistic group; an influential Senator who failed to be reelected, claimed for one higher office as reward and compensation, thus, the logic of party loyalty and sentiments of self-sacrifice prevailed; an UN ambassador appeal to Vice-President Garcia for extension of term of office of an military attaché under him justified his protective measure not only because the man is his compadre and political “lider” but also complexed networks of compadreship obligated him; an example of Garcia's favor for promotion of Mrs. Magsaysay's brother, immediately after he succeeded presidency, illustrates his action as patron and political broker. Even strict Magsaysay pays a little favor to Garcia's brother and to his compadre. Some other cases showed constraints imposed upon the influences and desire of President a

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In this paper, I will treat the rise of Modern Literature in Burma. I consider that it rose not only under the direct influence of the western novel but also as the result of a modernization of the indigenious vatthu. In order to demonstrate that point, it would be neccessary to take the diffusion of various kinds of vatthu(s) and their readership into account.
In the present day Burma, the novel is called vatthu or kalapaw vatthu. Kalapaw means modern or new and vatthu is originally the name of a specific genre in Burmese Literature. The concept of vatthu before the 20th century could be generally difined as a narrative in prose, whose subject matter is mainly adapted from the Buddhist Scriptures. On the other hand, the word of vatthu also began appearing in the titles of translations of the bible and a certain number of literary works starting from the beginning of the 19th century.
Dividing them according to their physical appearances and/or circulation, 4 types of vatthu can be considered to have existed in the last 20 years of the 19th century.
(1) The earlier handwritten vatthu(s) [in pe (a palm leaf) or parapaik (a handwritten paper book)]
(2) The earlier printed vatthu(s)
(3) Biblical vatthu(s) [printed]; e. g. Yo: na Vatthu (The Book of Jonah), Ethatta Vaithu (The Book of Esthel), etc.
(4) Translated vatthu(s) [printed]; e. g. 99 Vatthu (99 Stories), Hatinntayi Vatthu (Hatim Ta'i Story), etc.
Most of the earlier vatthu(s) [(1)] were preserved in temples, a few in private libraries. Some of them started to be gradually printed after 1870 and became a part of the diffusion network of the publishing business [(2)]. But their numerical importance were limited in those days. Vatthu(s) of type (3) were used for propagation by missionaries and (4) as texts for use of the Anglo-Vernacular schools.
In 1904, Maung Yin Maung Ma Maý Ma Vatthu (Maung Yin Maung and Ma Me Ma Vatthu) by James Hla Kyaw (1866-1920) was first published. With its various kinds of new elements, it was considered to be very novelistic. The author, James Hla Kyaw belonged to the first generation to get the higher education from the Anglo-Vernecular system under the colonial policy. He apparently read A. Dumas's The Count of Monte Crist in English, which he partly adapted in Maung Yin Maung Ma Maý Ma Vatthu. Moreover his educational background made it possible for him to become acquainted with vatthu(s) of type (3) and (4). That is why he already knew the new usage of the word vatthu. At the same time, however, the author tried to elaborate this text within the confines of the vatthu tradition. For example, he borrowed the form of narration from a famous vatthu of the Konbaung period, Temiya Vatthu [vatthu of type (2)] and transformed the main motif that he borrowed from The Count of Monte Crist into the well-known one of Janaka Vatthu [type (2)]. These transformations show the author's awareness in his creation of the nature of Burmese readership and his respect for the cultural context.
One of the successors of James Hla Kyaw was U: Kyi: (1858-1926) who wrote Hkyinpaungywetthé Maung Hmaing Vatthu (The Roselle Seller. Maung Hmaing Vatthu) in 1904. His educational background was completely different from that of James Hla Kyaw. He worked as a secretary for a courtier and thus obtained extensive knowledge about the traditional literature at court. After the collapse of the rule of the Burmese dynasty, he went up to Rangoon and supported himself by proofreading. Anyway, he must have read vatthu(s) of type (1) and (2). Concerning type (3) or (4), we have no evidence suggesting that he ever read them. But, at least, it is certain that he read Maung Yin Maung and Ma Maý Ma Vatthu and that he wrote his o

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The cultural policy discussed in this article is confined to the policy imposed on colonial subjects.
Cultural policy has played an important role in the history of world colonialism. It is used to justify colonial rule by one race to another, to control and convert the colonial subjects, their culture, traditions and ideologies to that of the colonizing country. Through which thus to eliminate any possible challenge or resistance to the colonial control.
On the eve of Japan's southward invasion, the Japanese colonial enthusiasts began to urge the importance of a cultural policy for Southeast Asia. They emphasized that only by controlling the ideologies of the colonial subjects, could the supreme objectives of Japan's southward invasion (i.e. the obtaining of the natural resources) be accomplished. The explanation being, the colonial subjects were the manpower to excavate and transport the natural resources. The control of the people would mean the guarantee of the supply of the natural resources.
These cultural policy enthusiasts included many of the politicians, officials and scholars who had been involved in the Japanese colonial policy in Taiwan and Korea, Asianists like Okawa Shumei, various research organizations in Japanese imperialist policies, emigration and colonization organizations, and even extended to some social movement activists, theorists and anarchists.
Their opinions and ideas for the cultural policy can be summarized as follows:
1. Ways of enforcing Cultural Policy
Most of the enthusiasts suggested that a two-fold policy be adopted, that is: (a) a cultural propaganda policy to carry out strong propaganda and coercive measures immediately after the Japanese occupation. The purpose of this policy was said to arouse the feeling of respect for the Japanese colonial masters and encourage collaboration with colonialist policy.
(b) a cultural education policy to indoctrinate gradually in the colonial subjects the Japanese culture, to change the language, social systems and traditions of the colonial subjects to those of the colonial masters.
Apparently these two policies formed the two pillars of the cultural policy. Cultural propaganda policy was used as a herald, first to break through the indigenous culture and to establish the greatness and righteousness of the Japanese culture. It then coupled with the cultural education policy to accomplish their objective of the assimilation of the colonial subjects.
2. The Theoretical Basis of Cultural Policy
The enthusiasts claimed that emphasis should be placed on the establishment of the orthodoxy of the theory of the “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere”. It proclaimed Japan as the great leader because of her “superior status” in terms of race and culture as well as her political and military powers, in relation to the other people in the “Co-prosperity Sphere”. At the same time, it also stressed the elimination of Anglo-American influence. Accordingly, the enthusiasts put it bluntly that as the Japanese were the leaders of the Asians, they should be the planners and instructors for the creation of a new culture in the “Co-prosperity Sphere”. They also urged that the greater substance of the new culture was the adoption of the “superior” Japanese culture.
3. The Role of the Japanese Language in the Cultural Policy
The Japanese language had always been utilized as an instrument of assimilation of colonial subjects. It was the consensus view of the enthusiasts to make the Japanese language the Iingua franca of the “Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere”.
Although the enthusiasts held different views as to the methods of diffusing the Japanese language, a “stick and carrot” tactic was agreed to be the solution.
4. The Ideal Policy-makers and Administrators
Various enthusiasts, particularly the Asianists proposed that military officer

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