Lived choice (choix vecu) is a concept that has been proposed by the author, in an effort to develop a theory of social action. Lived choice is the experience of being fascinated by or attracted to something. Such an experience is, as it were, the disarming of one's self vis-a-vis that something. The person who has such an experience, has a special connection with that something in that the person disarms only in relation to that something. In that sense, the person can be said to have made an unintentional choice of that something. This choice, as opposed to the choice as an act, is that which is lived. That is why such a choice is called here lived choice.
　The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the relation between lived choice and the dynamic dimension of self. The discussion is premised upon a distinction between the static and the dynamic dimension of self. The static dimension of self is the self that is formulated in language, or the social self. On the other hand, the dynamic dimension of self implies the self which necessarily evades linguistic formulation. To clarify this dimension, Bergson's theory of pure memory (souvenir pur) is referred to.
　First, differences between lived choice and other similar concepts are made clear. Then, through the investigation of the reason why lived choice is sometimes beyond one's expectation or prediction, this concept is described with reference to Bergson's concept of pure memory. Finally, the connection between lived choice and choice as an act, is discussed.

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　Lately, the importance of a new method for understanding elderly persons with dementia, referred to as "the relational model," as compared to dementia in "the disease model" has been emphasized. The model states that: (1) elderly persons with dementia have intention, will, and feeling and (2) that their problematic behavior, regarded as a symptom of disease, can be changed depending on their correspondence with others and with their environment.
　This paper highlights the effect of emphasizing the importance of the "relational model" on communication between family caregivers and elderly persons with dementia.Therefore, this paper begins by making use of qualitative data to reconsidering the effect of "the disease model" on communication in family care settings.
　"The disease model," which has dominated the understanding of dementia, regards most of the acts of elderly persons with dementia as symptoms of brain disease. On the other hand, "the relational model" criticizes "the disease model," suggesting that in the disease model, elderly persons with dementia are controlled and managed. However, is it proper to describe the two models simply as opposite approaches to family care? This paper examines "the disease model" based on two points: (1) the function of the disease model in exempting both parties from the responsibility for problematic behavior is clarified; and (2) difficulties that family caregivers have in continuing to make such an exemption due to their familiarity with a former image of an elderly person with dementia is shown.
　The following issues are raised: (1) how can elderly persons with dementia be accorded dignity? It is important to consider that the relational model is not opposed to the disease model, and to remember that the accomplishments of the latter are tied to the practices of the former. (2) We should also consider the problem that care responsibility, generated by a change of an assumption about the cause of "problematic behavior," concentrates on the caregiver.

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　School uniforms are said to be special both in terms of their production and their consumption. Keeping this uniqueness in mind, this paper will take a brief look at how uniforms have been produced and consumed during the past thirty years, and then try to examine the meaning of the popularity of uniforms among students today. To this end, first I will explore the 'fashionization' of uniforms since the late 1970s. Here fashionization refers to the trend that suits and blazers replaced 'tsume-eri' and 'sailor' uniforms during that period. Although it has often been viewed just as a consequence of catering to the students' (especially female students') tastes, fashionization has also been the result of market restructuring and its subsequent articulation with pedagogical discourse such as 'school identity.'
　This short history of the fashionization of uniforms, at a glance, explains why students like uniforms these days. My recent survey of high school students, in effect, shows that over 70% of the respondents think they need uniforms. If we ask them why, we find that students wear uniforms to allay anxieties concerning money and taste. In this sense school uniforms are one of the 'compensatory mechanisms' used to confront a consumer culture wherein one is constantly being asked 'who are you?' and 'what is your identity?'

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　Past studies of collective memory have focussed on how negative emotions, like anger or grief, are concealed by or tamed within the history represented. On the other hand, it has been argued that resentment is a basis of social action and its form, as we can see that in the process of class formation. Then, do not people with the self-consciousness of being oppressed in a social structure, project their resentment in their own histories? This paper aims to examine this question by analysing an account of the First World War by Ulster Loyalists, who claimed their hardship as members of the Protestant Working Class in the Northern Ireland society in the 1970s.
　In a pamphlet published in the 1970s Loyalists described their social experience as a story in which their hard work was neglected by Britain and by Protestant upper-class politicians. At the same time, they also described the experience of serving in the Great War as miserable work with no reward, and juxtaposed it with their other experiences of oppression. Further, they related a story of one battle in which Britain betrayed Ulster's devotion, and forced a huge number of Ulster soldiers to die meaninglessly. The plots of these stories are the same: first devotion, then betrayal, and finally suffering.
　What we can see in this process of giving a plot to a past event, is a mechanism in which people create or discover "the same" experience and emotion in the past in their social imaginations. In the case this paper examines social and economical hardship were described in such a way that reinforced their nationalism and hostility towards the other, Catholic group. But when such an imagination crosses social categories, for instance, of religion, nation and race, it is also supposed to have the possibility of revealing the contingency of such categories.

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　The purpose of this paper is to analyze the AD/HD's Association of Parents (oyanokai) and to suggest that it produces and reproduces specialized knowledge in situations that are not always controlled by professionals. In this discussion, we suggest the possibility that not only doctors, but also the Association of Parents functions as a care giver.
　In sociology, AD/HD has always been regarded as a mere problem wherein the domain of modern medicine expands because Conrad & Schneider made use of AD/HD as an example of the medicalization in their discussion. However, considering the present activities of the AD/HD Association of Parents, we find it inappropriate to treat AD/HD as a problem of expanding the domain of the profession of modern medicine and to consider that AD/HD children and their parents be placed under the control of doctors. AD/HD not only strengthens professional control, but also weakens.
　The Association of Parents is not merely a client of the medical system, nor is it merely an association of families. The AD/HD Association of Parents is an association based upon the interactions of parents centered on parents who have quite a bit of experience. All members care for each other, in other words, all parents in the association of parents are care-givers as well as clients, and the presence of other modern professions is not always required in their activities. The Association of Parents is neither made up of professionals nor is it made up of lay people. It is a group of "lay expert with lay expertise" in the context of Science and Technology studies.

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