For the last two decades, much attention has been paid to the conservation of industrial heritage in Japan as tourism resources to revitalize local communities, especially in rural areas suffering from depopulation and changes in industrial structures. Although previous studies in the fields of human and social sciences have discussed industrial heritage in Japan from a synchronic perspective or in relation to the industrial heritage of local communities, few studies have examined the concrete and holistic processes of conserving industrial heritage sites as tourism resources. Based on the issues above, this article examines the diachronic process of utilizing the industrial heritage in Japan from the 1970s to the present as a tourism resource, by focusing on the economic/cultural values of the ruins of coal and other mines.
In the field of cultural heritage studies, many researchers have noted that cultural heritage can be regarded not as a thing but as a social process, with respect to its values. The theoretical framework of this study was derived from Poria and Ashworth’s exploratory work on heritagization , which is defined as “a process in which heritage is used as a resource to achieve certain social goals” (Poria & Ashworth, 2009). However, there has been little study conducted to demonstrate the concept based on concrete cases. Meanwhile, the concept has to be treated more strictly, as it comprehends a wide range of issues on cultural heritage. This study defines the process of coming to utilize industrial heritage as a tourism resource through a heritagization process, implemented to achieve certain social goals by producing economic/cultural values based on the selective “past.” This study is also based on Throsby’s insightful concept of cultural capital (Throsby, 2001; 2010). In addition to reviewing the literature on cultural heritage, as mentioned above, this study also uses data derived from fieldwork conducted by the author at eight former mines in Japan.
The major findings from this study’s comparative research on the methods of the utilization of industrial heritage as a tourism resource can be summarized below:
First, methods shifted widely in the 1990s from utilizing industrial heritage sites as leisure facilities with large-scale development implemented by limited actors, such as local governments and joint public–private ventures, to measures such as conserving them as cultural heritages and retaining their natural state, implemented by diverse actors, such as local communities and residents. In the 1970s and the 1980s, the social goals of utilization were to minimize the negative economic effects of the closure of the industry and sweep aside the negative memories. In other words, mainly economic values were pursued through utilizing industrial heritage sites as tourism resources at the time. Second, the above-mentioned shift resulted from the cultural policies of the Japanese government. An inventory survey that was conducted nationwide by the Agency for Cultural Affairs played a critical role in the shift, as such organizations promulgated the concept of industrial heritage throughout the country so that people understand that it has cultural value. In brief, the balance between economic and cultural values found in industrial heritage changed, and the social goal of heritagization mainly emphasized pursuing cultural values. Third, the cultural values produced from industrial heritage and the past, selected as the basis of these values, have diversified from the 1990s onward, as these depend on the social goals of each social group. In particular, the cultural values evoked by local residents have an identity that is not included in the values of the nation.
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Previous studies on tourism have greatly discussed the authenticity of the sites and objects gazed at by tourists. The authenticity is studied as follows: cultural-essentialism (which is based on the pseudo of tourism and authenticity of the host-society) (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983); cultural-constructivism (including post-colonial perspectives that focus on: “Who constructs the cultures?”) (Ota, 2001); inter-personal authenticity (which discusses individual tourist’s experience in the tourist area) (Cray, 2004; Noy, 2004); and, finally, the “authentic experience” (which describes the contact-zone between hosts and guests) (Bruner, 2005).
This article reveals that the texts discussing the authenticity are repeatedly negated and explored in previous studies. Furthermore, the authenticity/pseudo-dichotomy of tourism objects are described as “public secrets”, that can be defined as that which is generally known, but cannot be articulated“ (Taussig, 1999, p. 5) Because of the impossibility to articulate that the sites and objects are real or fake, true or false, we seek out the authenticity of a tourist area. In the process of seeking out the touristic commodities become the exotic and fascinating ones that tourists consume as “authenticity.” I refer to this as authentic reality.
To support this notion, I offer a case study about “Himalayan stones” in Thamel, a tourist area in Kathmandu. The retailers sell “stones mined from the Himalayas” to tourists. However, they do not know if the stones they sell have actually been mined from the Himalayas or not. In addition, the wholesalers who sell the stones to the retailers also do not know the exact origin of the stones either, as the rough rocks from various mines is normally mixed before they are cut, grounded, and polished. Tourists, then, would also not know from where the stones came. Regardless, tourists continue to purchase the “Himalayan stones” and bring them back to their own country as a souvenir from Nepal. In this case, the tourists imagine and expect that the stones they bought must be authentic “Himalayan stones”. I concretely study how the stones tend to be authentic “Himalayan stones” through the interaction between the retailers and tourists.
Tourists normally go to a few shops to check the price and quality of the commodities, which is referred to as the “search for information.” Throughout this process, however, the tourists are masked in mystery whether or not the authentic stones are in the jewelry shop in Thamel. Because the shop owners are not clear about the origin of the “Himalayan stones,” the tourists eventually buy some stones that they determine must be “Himalayan stones.” For it is the “public secret” that authentic “Himalayan stones” exist or not, the tourists can imagine and expect they are purchasing the authentic ones. In this case, the “Himalayan stones” are the objects that continue to attract tourists and constitute authentic reality to this area.

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This paper discussed how tourism statistical data such as “The Number of Tourist” and “Tourist Expenditure Per Capita” have relationship with “social and economic factors” and “tourist characteristics in Small Island Developing States” with econometrics approach.
Almost all of islands depend on foreign trade because of geographical characteristics such as “small size”, “insularity and remoteness” and “fragile nature environment”, and these factors prevent to expand domestic demand. Inbound tourism is considered as service trade and tends to be important role for island economy. The author thought about analyzing relationship between tourism statistical data and characteristics of supply region or tourist behavior would be necessary for market strategy or policy-making of island economy because of mention above.
Two of statistical data have different point of view to discuss in past tendency. “The Number of Tourist” is taken advantage of when showing quantity of demand side, while “Tourist Expenditure per Capita” is used in discussing about average price paid by tourist for service receiving. To discuss the relationship for both indicators and several factors, this paper composed two regression models for each of indicators as dependent variables. Explanation variables prepared “Income”, “Market size” and “Agglomeration” for social and economic factors of SIDS. Then other explanation variable put “Average length of stay”, “Rate of Arrivals by airplane”, “Rate of holiday, leisure and recreation purpose tourist” and “Occupation rate of accommodations” indicated for tourist characteristics or behavior. Besides, almost all of region had suzerain relationship although the most of islands had already declared independence, but regression model contained “Rate of tourist from the suzerain country” to indicate that the tourists from suzerain countries are still highly shared in market of island tourism.
Result showed “The Number of Tourist” had significant effect with “Income” and “Occupation rate of accommodations”, while “Tourist Expenditure per Capita “was affected by “Agglomeration”, “Average length of stay” and “Rate of tourist from suzerain country”. This paper indicated that it was significant for SIDS as the supply side of the tourism to discuss the relationship with several factors mentioned above and two of tourism statistical data when talking about market strategy or policy-making of island tourism.

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Modes of transport offer many affordances for the international transportation of tourists as well as their everyday micro-mobilities within tourism destinations. A key argument in the mobilities literature is that transport is more than displacement and arrival; it is an embodied, multi-sensuous experience and different modes of transport are said to produce different embodied geographies and affective experiences of places (Urry, 2007). Yet the significance of transport to the tourist experience has been largely ignored in tourism studies; being understood as mere linear transportation: a necessary evil for reaching the desired destination (exceptions include Larsen, 2001; Edensor and Holloway, 2008; Butler and Hannam, 2012). This paper explores how we can understand urban cycling within a tourism context.
This paper consists of four ethnographic vignettes, from Copenhagen (my home town), Amsterdam, London, and New York, respectively. The Copenhagen case is based on 30 short interviews with groups or pairs of international ‘cycling tourists’, of varied ages, as well as observations around attractions.
Thus, I explore how (different) cities are corporeally performed, sensed and experienced on bikes. What is unique to the ‘bike gaze’? How does it connect with the other senses? What are the emotional and affective pains and pleasures of cycling in pro-cycling cities and low-cycling cities, respectively? What services, designs and ‘place myths’ (Shields, 1991) afford (or hinder) cycling? In answering these questions, I contribute to two different sets of literature: on ‘tourism performances’ (Edensor, 1998; Haldrup & Larsen, 2010; Urry & Larsen, 2011) and ‘embodied bicycle mobilities’ (Jones, 2005, 2012; Spinney, 2006; Larsen, 2014). Both ‘literatures’ are concerned with how people ‘do’ mobile performances and how objects, ‘systems’ and designed places present certain affordances and not others.

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The theory of “Performance Turn” suggested by Urry and Larsen’s The Tourist Gaze 3.0 enabled the view on tourism as a process of reality construction in a tourist site by analyzing the “participation” acts of tourists. This article aims to consider the meaning of “participation” in different kinds of participation-type tourisms such as art tourism. Participation of the audience in contemporary cultural representations is the result of “affordance” and “performance,” which also responds to affordance. This process is the same in the representation style of contemporary art and tourism. Art and tourism require audience or tourists participation. “Participation” in art and tourism can be seen in two different ways. One is the method to exploit “participation” in consumer or environment-controlled societies, and the other is the approach to overcome the control. The theories of socially engaged art demonstrate that the radical democracy of communications, which accepts the dissensus of others, is essential for the latter.

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Rural society today is a highly mobile society. Nevertheless, social policy on rural areas has been “fixed domicile resident centric,” as typically shown in official statistics, making a variety of community revitalization activities invisible. In contrast to this traditional view, certain recent rural studies stress the importance of mobility, such as traffic and network, and touches on “tourism” frequently.
This article reviews rural sociologist Sadao Tokuno’s study on family network and Hiroshi Fujiyama’s concept of “small community center.” Their studies are associated strongly with the “new mobilities paradigm (NMP)” proposed by J. Urry.
In the course of the discussion, the author traces the history of rural tourism studies in Europe and the United States to elucidate that the most important agenda of rural studies has been “collaboration and management among different sectors.” This research history is reflected in the concept of “integrated rural tourism (IRT),” which is most represented by the IRT model proposed by (Cawley& Gilmour 2008).
These considerations lead to the conclusion that, “NMP-based rural tourism studies” can provide important insights that contribute to solving problems of rural society in Japan.

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This research examines questions such as “How a tourist destination is created among various influencing mobilities” and “How does that destination move” with reference to the debate relating to “mobilities turn” that has been attracting attention in the social sciences since the 2000s. To clarifying these dynamic aspects, I have focused on Dark Tourism that tends to view a conflict of meaning at the target place, and examined the tourism aimed at graveyard on the main island of Okinawa as an example.
First, in Chapter II, I focus on the role of a steamship company named Osaka Shosen, and how the Tsujibaru graveyard became a tourist destination, especially studying how the tourism aimed at graveyard developed through a variety of mobilities on the main island of Okinawa during the pre-war period. Next, in Chapter III, I examine the mobility of the graveyard as tourist site itself, focusing on the destruction of the Tsujibaru graveyard and on battle site tourism in the southern region of the Okinawa main island after WWII. In doing this analysis, I pay attention to the relational various mobilities and the changes of the socio-political context. Finally, in Chapter IV, I discuss the transformation of the tourism aimed at graveyard in the Okinawa main island since it relates to mobility of the concept of Dark Tourism.

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This paper aims to present the new ways of gazing at present-day tourism based on reflections upon the discussion provided by John Urry and Jonas Larsen’s The Tourist Gaze 3.0, published in 2011. From the viewpoint of the sociology of tourism, this study focuses on two points in the book: the new discussions added to the third edition and the revised discussions from the first and second editions. In the third edition of the book, the cases of ‘Tourism and Photography’ that were mostly included in Chapter 7, which discusses affordance, and performance was discussed in Chapter 8. These two chapters about affordance and performance played key roles in providing a new methodology for analysing the mobilities of tourism. In addition to the two chapters added to the third edition, the increase in discussions on the collective gaze and its variant, the mediated gaze, in the book reveal that the hermeneutic circle of the tourist gaze has become another key to understanding an emerging feature of present-day tourism. However, this paper is critical about the final chapter of the book because these key discussions mentioned above were left unfinished and the book switched to a macro-level framework of the Risk Society Theory (Ulrich Beck) of the Late Modern. In order to link the Late Modern Theory with Tourism Studies in an alternative way, this paper attempts to present new themes such as Late Tourism and the Collective Self. Its findings reveal that people living in the age of Late Tourism wish to be introspective and to gaze at their own inner selves, not at the world surrounding them. The self has become the last destination and ultimate attraction for tourists today.

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