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  • 勝浦 吉雄
    英学史研究
    1976年 1977 巻 9 号 115-127
    発行日: 1976/09/01
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鶴田 綾
    アフリカレポート
    2020年 58 巻 96-101
    発行日: 2020/11/06
    公開日: 2020/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー HTML
  • 上原 重男
    アフリカ研究
    1985年 1985 巻 27 号 111-113
    発行日: 1985/12/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 戸田 真紀子
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 5 号 912-914
    発行日: 2007/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1909年 21 巻 11 号 798a-804
    発行日: 1909/11/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 岳
    生活協同組合研究
    2011年 430 巻 53-57
    発行日: 2011/11/05
    公開日: 2023/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 富永 智津子
    アフリカ研究
    1991年 1991 巻 38 号 137-141
    発行日: 1991/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ──連帯の可能性と歴史研究者の役割
    井野瀬 久美惠
    学術の動向
    2022年 27 巻 12 号 12_64-12_69
    発行日: 2022/12/01
    公開日: 2023/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー

     1990年代以降、冷戦体制の崩壊やIT技術の進展により、植民地責任を問うローカルな記憶がグローバルに交錯し、謝罪、和解、賠償に影響を与えている。「移行期正義」といった概念が存在感を増すなか、「帝国だった過去」を問う場、問い方も変わりつつある。本論考では、東アジアにおける植民地責任をより広いコンテクストで捉え直すべく、「イギリス帝国の過去」が顕在化したブレア政権(1997-2007)に注目し、具体的な事例を紹介する。植民地的状況で起こったアイルランド大飢饉、奴隷貿易・奴隷制度、先住民の遺骨・遺物の簒奪、脱植民地化過程における暴力──20世紀末から21世紀にかけて想起されたこれらの歴史的不正義は、当時のリアルな文脈を離れ、互いに互いの記憶を刺激しあって論点を変え、若者たちを担い手に加えつつ、共感、連帯をグローバルに広げている。この状況は、「過去と現在の対話」を生業とする歴史研究者の役割や立ち位置をどのように変えていくのだろうか。

  • 木宮 直仁
    日本航海学会誌 NAVIGATION
    1997年 131 巻 58-64
    発行日: 1997/03/25
    公開日: 2017/06/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • ドイツ現代文学における「新しい世界文学」との関連において
    オーストリア文学
    2018年 34 巻 01-10
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 竹内 幸雄
    社会経済史学
    2008年 73 巻 6 号 657-666
    発行日: 2008/03/25
    公開日: 2017/06/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • —歴史的考察—
    戸田 真紀子
    国際政治
    2010年 2010 巻 159 号 159_27-40
    発行日: 2010/02/25
    公開日: 2012/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recently the scholars studying conflict theories or peace building in Africa have tended to neglect the historical perspective of Africa. Without knowing the history of traditional kingdoms and chiefdoms, including slave trade, colonialism, and neo-colonialism, we cannot accurately understand serious problems with which African people are now confronted.
    Coups d'etat are common in Africa. Nigeria in particular, an oil-rich African giant, has experienced the military rule for about twenty-nine years since its independence. Why did the Nigerian officers decide to seize the power? Why did they desire to keep the power for such a period of time? And, why don't they intend to withdraw from the political arena? To answer these questions, we should consider the impact of British rule in Nigeria.
    The Nigerian army was originally established to conquer the native kingdoms and chiefdoms under the policy of British colonization. British rulers sometimes undermined the “rule of law.” Later the Nigerian army became the tool for traditional rulers, who started to work for the British rule in order to suppress their own people. New rulers of independent Nigeria learned how to use the military to defend their vested interests during 1960 through 1966. Therefore, it is the negative legacy of British rule that civilian and military regimes had not maintained “law and order” to save the lives of Nigerian people. So many civilians, being involved in armed conflict between Nigerian army and rebellions, were killed by the army.
    Samuel Huntington showed two conditions to avoid military intervention. According to him, the civil-military relation may be destroyed if the governments would not be able to promote “economic development” and to maintain “law and order” and if civilian politicians would desire to use the military power for their own political ambitions.
    As to the “economic development,” approximately 80% of Nigerian people suffer from poverty, whereas the retired generals enjoy their political power as well as financial business with a plenty of money. As mentioned above, the aspect of “law and order” has been also neglected by the regimes. After independence, civilian regimes used the military for their political interests and led the army officials into the political arena.
    Therefore, as suggested by Huntington, military intervention may be caused in Nigeria again if the Fourth Republic would neglect the importance of promoting “economic development” and of maintaining “law and order.” The Fourth Republic also needs to keep the army out of politics and the politics out of the army to avoid military intervention. Actually it is difficult to meet these conditions, because the group of retired generals still has strong influence over political and economical arenas.
  • ――ナイジェリアのボコ・ハラムを事例として――
    戸田 真紀子
    国際政治
    2023年 2023 巻 210 号 210_33-210_46
    発行日: 2023/03/30
    公開日: 2023/06/29
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The aim of this study was to examine factors that prolong internal conflict in sub-Saharan Africa, including political leaders’ manipulation of ethnicity and religion to gain or regain power and control the state; the legacies of colonialism that provoke dissatisfaction and alienation among ordinary people, inducing them to join anti-government forces; and neo-colonialist attempts to sustain corrupt states ruled by greed-driven political leaders.

    What leads people to participate in anti-government activism and join terrorist groups? This paper demonstrates that colonialism’s legacies such as disparity of wealth, security abuses against ordinary people, and lack of the rule of law have produced and reproduced dissatisfaction and alienation among local people, particularly young people.

    Although most internal conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa are deemed ‘ethnic’ or ‘religious’ conflicts, ethnic and religious identities in and of themselves do not necessarily lead to conflict. In a bid to maintain or regain power, political leaders provoke a shift from ethnic or religious identities to ethnic or religious nationalism.

    Boko Haram, officially known as Jamā’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihād (‘People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad’) and based in north-eastern Nigeria, is recognised as a ‘terrorist’ or ‘militant Islamist’ organisation. Existing research on Boko Haram indicates that it is not participants’ religious faith that induces them to join the organisation. While Boko Haram’s founder, Mohammed Yusuf, rejected the secular state and promoted the establishment of a Sharia-based caliphate, he provided support to his followers, including social-welfare services that federal and state governments had failed to provide. Throughout history, Nigeria’s corrupt federal and state governments have seldom offered ‘good governance’. Nigeria is Africa’s leading oil and gas producer, but the wealth derived from these natural resources has not contributed to improving the living conditions of ordinary people in Nigeria.

    This paper investigates the conditions that allow corrupt states to persist in sub-Saharan Africa. It is apparent from Nigeria’s case that, without assistance from developed countries, Africa’s political elites would in all likelihood be unable to sustain their governments. That is, neo-colonialism has allowed the current government of Nigeria to survive to promote the interests of developed countries and not those of the country’s ordinary people.

  • 1890~1924年の北ローデシアにおける活動を中心にして
    北川 勝彦
    アフリカ研究
    1983年 1983 巻 23 号 70-81
    発行日: 1983/05/28
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    On 24 October, 1964, the British South Africa Company left Zambia. The Financial Times carried a full-page advertisement by BSAC: “Northern Rhodesia Now To Be Zambia”. This study attempts to understand the full historical significance of the BSAC in the general history of Southern Africa. An inquiry into the sequence as to how the BSAC acquired, enjoyed, and finally relinquished its share in mineral wealth of Zambia throws light on various aspects of this country's history during the whole colonial period.
    The significance of the BSAC for Northern Rhodesia began with the company's possession of mineral rights. The acquisition and defence of its rights caused the BSAC to become involved in the complex political and economic mechanism of colonial rule. The BSAC was empowered under the Royal Charter of 29 October, 1889, to expand the British Empire and to exploit colonial resources. After the death of Cecil J. Rhodes, the London Board of the BSAC decided to make the company into a vital commercial enterprise. So long as the BSAC administered the territory, the burdens of heavy administrative responsibilities and the finance of the railways by debenture issues guaranteed by BSAC proved a great strain on the company's resources. It sought to maintain a favourable managerial environment which might bring in commercial revenue in order to deter troubles inside the territory and interference from outside. The BSAC saw the territory as a black labour reserve with European population minimally sufficient to operate the mines. The first requirement was that the African population of Northern Rhodesia should remain peaceful and cooperative. The BSAC from early times relied on collaborative groups among the African people.
    The solution which the BSAC came to favour for its political status in Northern Rhodesia was joint administration with Southern Rhodesia, followed by the entry of both into the Union of South Africa. The settlers of Southern and Northern Rhodesia opposed the company's policy. The BSAC's final recourse in such circumstances was negotiated settlement with the British Government. In consequence, Southern Rhodesia proceeded to responsible government, the BSAC was relieved by the Colonial Office of direct responsibility for the administration of Northern Rhodesia and could concentrate on preserving its commercial assets intact. The retension by the company of the mineral rights under the terms of the 1923 settlement and the development of the copper industry gave the “mineral right question” a prominent place in the political and economic history of Northern Rhodesia.
  • 西川 潤
    社会経済史学
    1986年 52 巻 2 号 222-243,300-29
    発行日: 1986/06/25
    公開日: 2017/11/22
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Is there any relationship between colonialism and imperialism or are they rather independent phenomena in the evolution of world economic history? Is imperialism a pure opposition to the free-trade ideology which became prevalent in England and France in the l860s? This paper tries to respond to these questions by examining major works of the colonial promoters in the early period of the Third Republic in France, Paul Leroy-Beaulieu and Jules Ferry, and shows that the possession of colonies, together with free-trade ideology, was inseparable from the naissance and development of imperialism. In the first chapter, "The French colonial policy and imperialism", three types of interpretation in the imperialist theory-capital export, political hegemony and unequal exchange -are examined. The classical interpretation of imperialism, based on the necessity of capital export, was challenged in the l970s by the latter two doctrines on imperialism. The position of colonies in the French overseas expansion in the 1870s and I880s was, in fact, not so important both on the trade and investment planes. However, after the end of the 1870s, when competition among European countries led the protectionist trend in the world Market, the colonies were considered to be more important. In the second chapter, "The colonial theory of Paul Leroy-Beaulieu", the works of this important liberal economist and influential promoter of colonial and imperialist policies of the period are analyzed. Leroy-Beaulieu advocated the necessity of establishing export-oriented plantation colonies instead of the Wakefield-type immigration colonies. Capital-export is necessary in order to assure the international division of labor based on the metropole-colony relationship. The role of the state in economic expansion was stressed in the latter editions of his "On the colonization of Modern people". In the third chapter, "Jules Ferry and his colonial policy", it is shown that Ferry's government, based on the centralists among the republican force, promoted an aggressive colonial expansion in order to assure the outlets for home manufacturing industries and to invest capital which was in surplus in the mainland: these measures were to ensure social peace in Europe. The "colonial empire", was needed. Here we find the origin of the imperialist-type of relationship between the metropolitan center and peripheral countries. Therefore, three types of interpretation of imperialism are not necessarily contradictory but, instead, capital-export, international division of labor (free-trade theory) and the political and hegemonical motives of expansion supported by the will for an egalitarian and distributive social policy in Europe, are intimately interrelated and formed the driving force of imperialist policy under the Third Republic.
  • 大川 真由子
    日本中東学会年報
    2008年 24 巻 1 号 75-101
    発行日: 2008/09/25
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article aims to explore the ethnicity of African Omanis, comprising Swahili-speaking people with mixed African origins who returned to Oman after 1970 from East Africa, mainly Zanzibar, in relation to Arabness. Arabs are defined as Arabic speakers. However, various different levels of Arabness were revealed by examining who are/were known as Arabs in Zanzibar and Oman. In nineteenth-century Zanzibar, Arab was mainly used to refer to the old Swahili-speaking Omani immigrants who belonged to the affluent and politically privileged class, not the Hadrami Arabs or the new Omani immigrants who spoke Arabic. However, the ability to speak Arabic cannot serve as a determining factor of Arabness in contemporary Oman. Even the younger generations of African Omanis who were born in Oman and can speak fluent Arabic are not called Arabs, but Zanzibaris, even though they claim Arabness by referring to their genealogy, which is traced patrilineally. For native Omanis, Arabness is recognized based on language, blood, which cannot be traced in genealogy, and behavior. I demonstrate that a hierarchy and discrimination based on economic and political status existed within the Arabs in both areas and that, in contemporary Oman, the monolithic narrative of "Swahili-speaking, with mixed African blood" by the native Omanis obscures such hierarchy that existed within African Omanis in Africa.
  • 吉澤 誠一郎
    史学雑誌
    1996年 105 巻 2 号 149-188,306
    発行日: 1996/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小野 慶一
    日本平滑筋学会雑誌
    1985年 21 巻 5 号 369-412
    発行日: 1985/10/30
    公開日: 2010/07/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 胆道
    1987年 1 巻 2 号 228-228,253
    発行日: 1987/07/10
    公開日: 2012/11/13
    ジャーナル フリー
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