Until now, there is a vast literature on education in Southeast Asia. Researchers have focused on national integration, globalization and Chinese immigrantion. This article attempts to examine the position of Punjabi education in Southeast Asian Sikh communities in relation to the national educational system. Then I’ll consider their educational strategy as a minority immigrant in Southeast Asia.
 Sikh is the belief in Sikhism which Nanak started in South Asia. There are ten Gurus as spiritual leaders. Also Gurua Granth Sahib which is written in Gurmukhi script is placed in Gurdwara (Sikh temple) as Holy book.
 Sikh immigrated into Southeast Asia in the latter half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. At present there are 80.000 Sikhs in Southeast Asia; 15,000 in Singapore, 40,000 in Malaysia, 20,000 in Thailand and 6,000 in Indonesia. Their first language, Punjabi, in the first generation was changed into the second or third language.
 Singapore has cultural pluralism as an educational policy for national unity. The government adopts a bilingual policy, which include English and the ethnic language. In 1989, the government recognized Punjabi as a second language in the national educational system. Sikhs established Singapore Sikh Education Foundation for the provider of Punjabi education. The organization caters Punjabi education on every Saturday and published their original textbooks.
 Malaysia follows an integration approach as educational policy for national unity. In primary education the teaching mediums are Malay, Chinese and Tamil. The teaching medium in secondary education is only Malay. Punjabi is an optional subject in the national examination, even though Punjabi is not taught in the national educational system. Punjabi Education Trust Malaysia is an organization which provides Punjabi education in Malaysia. The organization provides Punjabi education for the examination on every Sunday in their 32 centers, using the text books of the Singapore Sikh Education Foundation.
 Thailand and Indonesia use an assimilation approach as educational policy for national unity. In both national educational systems, the national language, Thai and Indonesian, are only used as a teaching medium. In Thailand the Sikh Foundation established the Thai Sikh International School which follows the international curriculum for IGCSE and GCE-A level. The international school has Punjabi education in foreign language study. In Indonesia, 6 religions are officially recognized and are taught in the national schools as a religious subject. The government recognizes that Sikhism is a kind of Hinduism. Gurdwara provides Punjabi education in religious study.
 The positions of Punjabi education are different in Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia. In Singapore Punjabi education is a subject of second language in the system. In Malaysia Punjabi education measured by the national examination in the system. In Thailand the international school outside the system provides Punjabi education. In Indonesia Gurdwara offers Punjabi education for the school system’s religious study in the system.
 From consideration on the positions of Punjabi education in Southeast Asia, we can understand their educational strategy, respect for their national educational system and the development of their transnational network.

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The aim of this essay is to describe ethnic conflicts in South Asia, which have challenged existing ‘nation-states, ’ in terms of international relations. I will focus exclusively on the international dimensions of three protracted ethnic conflicts—Punjab, Kashmir and Sri Lanka conflicts.
Firstly, the impact of global structural changes on each conflict will be examined. The idea is generally accepted that the end of the Cold War and the development of globalization either have caused ethnic conflict or escalated such issues. In South Asia, however, it is impossible to find such a definite correlation between the global changes and ethnic conflicts, for the three conflicts have their roots before 1990, and the conflicts in Punjab and Sri Lanka had already escalated in 1980's. In the case of Kashmir, although we began to see the terrible violence after 1990, we cannot indicate the direct causal relationship to the escalation of the Kashmir conflict.
Secondly, I will analyze the impact of inter-state relationships in South Asia. The asymmetry of power and antagonism between India and Pakistan in the region have certainly affected the evolution of the three ethnic conflicts. On the one hand, India, seeking its status as a regional hegemonic power, has intervened strategically in the Sri Lankan domestic conflict. For instance, the Government of India dispatched the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in 1987, only to intensify the conflict. On the other hand, Pakistan, trying to fill the power gap, has intervened in Punjab and Kashmir conflicts. It is widely known that Pakistan has assisted as well as fostered some militant rebels against the Government of India. In every case, the intervention of a neighboring country has escalated the conflict.
Thirdly, the impact of transnational identity is evaluated. Foreign policy on ethnic conflict in another country depends not only on instrumental factors but also on affective factors. While Pakistan has been obliged to support Kashmir Muslims because of its raison d'être as an Islamic state, the Government of India has been placed under great pressure to help Sri Lankan Tamils by ethnonationalism in Tamil Nadu state. Moreover, ethnic diasporas of Sikhs and Tamils in Western countries have provided their enthusiastic material and non-material support for ethnic separatist movements. These affective links have also reinforced every ethnic conflict.
Needless to say, these three ethnic conflicts were not caused by international factors, but by their own domestic factors. We should say that international factors have affected the development process of ethnic conflicts, not the occurrence process. In South Asia, it is regional inter-state relationships and transnational ethnic identity rather than global structural changes that have escalated each ethnic conflict.

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15世紀の中世インドにおいて大きく展開したバクティ運動は、現代に至るまで人びとの間で強く信仰・実践されているものとなる。この運動の特徴のひとつとして、下層とされる共同体に出自を持つ聖人の活躍を挙げることができる。本発表においては、そうした聖人の一人であるラヴィダースに焦点を当てて、北インドの二つの州におけるラヴィダース信仰の様相から、それぞれにみられる継続と断絶のありようについて考察を行いたい。

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今日のネパールでは、世俗主義国家化への反発として、ヒンドゥー・ナショナリストの活動が顕在化するようになっている。本稿では、数あるヒンドゥー・ナショナリスト団体の中でも圧倒的に長い歴史と歴代の国王との関係を有する世界ヒンドゥー連盟に着目する。具体的には、世界ヒンドゥー連盟が2016年に開催した国際ヒンドゥー大会議の記念書籍たる『ダルマ』を主たる資料として、それが打ち出すのが「包含的ヒンドゥー・ナショナリズム」であることを示す。その上で本稿の続く部分では、それに対する多様な応答について主に聞き取り調査の結果に基づいて検討する。世界ヒンドゥー連盟の主張は、しばしば、そもそも関心を抱かれなかったり、抱かれたとしてもの厳しい批判の対象とされたりする。それでも世界ヒンドゥー連盟は、ヒンドゥー教徒以外の賛同者をたしかに獲得しており、宗教をまたいだネットワークを形成し始めていること示す。

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１．研究の目的
発表者らは，インド・デリーのムスリム地区ジャミア・ナガールにおいて婚礼用伝統衣服などを生産する繊維・縫製工場群に対する聞き取り調査を2013年に実施し，同工場群における生産構造と労働者特性について，2014年日本地理学会春季学術大会にて報告した（宇根・友澤 2014）．調査結果から，繊維・縫製工場は直営の販売店を有しているものもあるが，主にはデリー市内の卸売業者やショールームから受注を引き受けるジョブ・ワーク型の取引が中心となっていることを明らかにした．この形態の取引は，卸売業者やショールームが主導権を握っている．衣料品は，商品連鎖（commodity chain）研究においては「買い手主導の連鎖（Buyer-driven Commodity Chains）」の代表的な事例の一つとされており（Gereffi 1999），発表者らの上記研究の場合もこれと同じことがいえる．このことを踏まえると，「買い手」側，つまり卸売り・小売業者の取引行動に着目することにより，婚礼用伝統衣服における生産・流通システムの特性の把握に迫ることができる．
そこで本報告の目的は，デリーにおける婚礼用伝統衣服卸売業者の商品取引の実態を明らかにし，婚礼用伝統衣服の流通・販売構造とその空間的特性を把握することとする．
宇根・友澤（2014）で取り上げた繊維・縫製工場の納品先は，デリー中心部のチャンドニー・チョウクやラージパット・ナガールなどのほか，輸出業者の集積するノイダ，グルガオンに立地している．これを踏まえ，2014年3月にチャンドニー・チョウク（18店）とラージパット・ナガール（9店）に立地する合計27店に対して聞き取り調査を実施した．

２．調査対象地域
デリー中心部のオールド・デリーは，19世紀以降に繊維・衣料品や銀・銅製品，紙製品，食料品や香辛料など様々な商品の卸売・小売商店が集積するようになり，インドにおける一大商業地域となった．現在，繊維・衣料品を扱う卸売・小売商店はラール・キラーの正面付近から西に伸びるチャンドニー・チョウク通りの両脇を中心に立地している．この地域の一角にあるキナリ・バザールには，糸や装飾品など中間製品を扱う商店も集積している．一方，ラージパット・ナガールは布・衣料品を中心とした商業地区であり，卸売ではなく小売店が主体である．

３．調査店舗の特性 調査店舗では，結婚式やパーティーなどで着用するサリー（ヒンドゥー教徒向け）やランガー（ムスリム教徒向け），西洋風ドレスを販売している．経営者は，ヒンドゥー教徒20店舗，ムスリム5店舗，および不明が各1店舗である．ヒンドゥー教徒経営者はブラーミンなどの高カーストや，グプタ，アグラワルなどの商人カーストが卓越している．特定のカーストが支配的になっている構造は確認されなかった．出身地は宗教にかかわらず北インドが中心である．なかでも，ムスリム経営者は全員がウッタル・プラデーシュ州出身であった．
商品のデザインは，工場側が行う場合と店舗側が行う場合，そして両方の場合が確認された．工場側がデザインした商品の場合，工場側が店舗へ商品を売り込み，価格と取引数等を交渉して契約が決定される．調査店舗の商品仕入れ先は商品の種類によって異なっている．手縫いの高価格商品は，デリー首都圏やウッタル・プラデーシュ州の産地から購入し，機械織りの比較的低価格商品は化繊サリーの産地として有名なグジャラート州スーラトから購入する．ジャミア・ナガールの工場と取引を有する店舗はごくわずかであったが，そうした店舗の経営者はムスリムである．調査店舗の顧客は全インドおよび海外から来訪する小売業のバイヤー，一般消費者，輸出業者である．輸出業者の占める割合は低いが，欧米や中近東に在住する，移民を含む南アジア人向けに輸出されている．

【文献】 宇根義己・友澤和夫 2014. インドにおける「もう一つの工業化」―デリーのムスリム地区ジャミア・ナガールにおける繊維生産―．2014年日本地理学会春季学術大会発表要旨集．No.85: 139. Gereffi, Gary. 1999. International trade and industrial upgrading in the apparel commodity chain. Journal of International Economics, 48: 37‒70.

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Ethnic conflicts are often regarded as dysfunctional, especially among Western scholars, for the national integration and the economic and social development of a country. Their theories are based on the myth of a ‘nation-state’, a concept which assumes that a state should be integrated into a ‘nation, ’ and a ‘nation’, and in this sense an ethnic group as well, should acquire their own territory, and become a state. In other words, conflicts inevitably arise between ethnic groups within a state boundary and a nation as a whole, and the solution would be either the central government enforcing the national identity or a secession.
In a multi-ethnic developing country like India, however, ethnic conflicts can be, and sometimes are, functional. They often play an important role in mobilizing otherwise indifferent social groups and enable them to articulate and aggregate their interests. If no solution can be found within the framework of parliamentary democracy, the conflict escalates into a violent one. However, when the whole political system learns the cost of the conflict, efforts are made to find a solution usually by giving more autonomy to a local unit such as a state. Thus the democratic process is restored. In this way, new social groups now participate in the actual political process.
The political development in India is a constant process whereby different kinds of demands are accommodated into the political system and a larger number of people participate in the political process. The Punjab problem illustrates this process.

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本稿は、1970年代から1990年代のインドにおける、1956年ヒンドゥー教徒相 続法の州別改正・新法制定と女性の教育水準との関係を検証している。改正に より女性に不動産など合同家族財産の相続権が与えられ、性別における不平等 が是正されたことで、物的資本や人的資本に関する「相続」の枠組みが変化し たと考えられる。本稿では、女性の教育水準の向上を人的資本投資の増加と捉 えたうえで、相続法改正と教育水準にいかなる関係が存在するのかを4 期間の 全国家族健康調査データにより検証した。分析では、改正州の土地所有世帯に 居住しているヒンドゥー教徒の世帯主の娘は、そうでない女性と比較すると有 意に教育年数が長く、新聞・雑誌を読む習慣があるという先行研究を拡張する 結果が得られた。ヒンドゥー教徒相続法の対象外であるイスラーム教徒やキリ スト教徒のデータを活用して、宗教以外の条件が同じプラセボを作成し、結果 の頑健性の確認に使用したが、有意な教育水準の向上は認められなかった。

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　This paper investigates how young British Muslims manage their complexidentities in order to adapt to a secularized society. In the UK the issue of socialintegration of young Muslims has been gathering public attention since the 9/11attacks in New York and riots in Northern England in 2001 and especially theLondon bombing in 2005; both events were caused by young Muslims. It has beensaid that young British Muslims are becoming more and more religious and itprevents them from integrating into British democratic society. However, such anargument that problematizes Muslims has kept us from better understanding ofhow young Muslims are in reality integrated into secularized and liberal democraticsociety. This paper explores, on the basis of the interview data on young Muslims in a super-diverse area in the UK, their strategies and resources for integration. The result of the analysis demonstrates that young Muslims adapt to British society through introducing the difference between religion and culture. They have tried to purify Islam from their family culture and claim that the teachings of Islam do not have any conflict with British society. In other words, Islam is used as a tool for them to participate in secularized civil society. The development of religious institutions and the Internet make it easier for young people “to research “their religion and the knowledge which helps them to differentiate the teachings of Islam from some cultural conventions which attempt to oppress young, especially female, Muslims. Social lives in the super-diverse area also make their identity more complex, and make it more easier to communicate with people of different religions and races and to adapt to more complex and diverse social environment. The paper contributes both to theoretical discussion on “hybridity” of identity and to practical discussion on social integration of young Muslims in contemporary society.

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