In this paper I examine the circumstances of sūtra recitation in the Jātaka, focusing on sajjhāya-, āha and saṃ + khubhati. In the Cullakaseṭṭhijātaka (Ja No. 4), sajjhāya- connotes study and practice of religious training. Again, in the Chaddantajātaka (Ja No. 514), sajjhāya- is used to indicate sūtra recitation on the occasion of the funeral. In the Kumbhajātaka (Ja No. 467), āha is used in the scene where the Śākyamuni recites the Dhammapada in order to guide laywomen. In the Cullakaseṭṭhijātaka (Ja No. 4), saṃ + khubhati appears where a Buddhist monk recites the Tipiṭaka in gratitude for the layman’s act.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the sectarian affiliation of the Chuyao jing (出曜経) through a comparative study of narratives in this sutra and their parallels in other texts. This sutra, like the Faju piyu jing (法句譬喩経) and the Dhammapadatthakatha, consists of two parts, namely verses from the Dhammapada/Dharmapada (or the Udanavarga), and narratives in prose that explain how those verses came to be stated. Although these verses have drawn much attention from scholars, the narratives in prose have been neglected. Shedding some light on the narratives explained in prose, therefore, I found the following three points:
(1) Some narratives clearly conform only to the tradition of the Sarvastivadins.
(2) The narrative of Srona Kotivimsa conforms only to the tradition of the Anguttara-Nikaya and the Zengyi ahan jing (増一阿含経).
(3) The jataka story of the bird, the monkey and the elephant, does not share its tradition with any sect.
These facts lead us to the possibility that this sutra is a compilation of narratives collected from texts of various sects, rather than those of a single sect.

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King Ajatasattu was a ruler of Magadha in Buddha's days. Various texts in ancient India keep reports about his life and events. Especially in Buddhist scriptures, he is famous for his patricide. In this paper, I will collect the descriptions about his deeds in Pali Buddhist scriptures. Through this work, I can reconstruct his life and survey the change of his mental situation before and after confessing his offense in front of the Buddha. And we can also get some information about the relation between Buddhism and kingship in ancient India.

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The Samannaphalasutta, which is the second sutta of the Dighanikaya, describes the dialogue between the Buddha and King Ajatasattu. In this paper, by examining the text and its translation, I would like to solve the question: whether King Ajatasattu was relieved through the conversation with the Buddha or not. The problem lies in the various interpretations on the Buddha's remarks made at the ending scene of this sutta. He says "O monks, this king is khata. O monks, this king is upahata." In hitherto studies of the sutta, his remarks are translated variously. And these different interpretations can be classified into two main points. (1) Is the speech made by the Buddha favorable to the king or not? (2) To which does the Pali: khata correspond, Skt.: khata or Skt.: ksata? As for the first question, through reconsidering the context, the hitherto studies, and the explanations made by the commentators, it is concluded that the Buddha's remarks are unfavorable to the king. And as for the second, it is effective to examine the usage of khata and upahata in the Buddhist Sanskrit literatures as well as in the Pali scriptures. As a result, the fact can be ascertained that in the Buddhist Sanskrit literatures, ksata and upahata, and their derivatives, are used side by side as a kind of stock phrase. And through the comprehensive consideration of the usage of these two words in the Pali and Buddhist Sanskrit literatures, it makes clear that khata used with upahata corresponds to Skt.: khata. From the above findings, I can conclude that the remarks made by the Buddha show that King Ajatasattu has some obstacle against his own relief, and at the same time, these remarks may suggest that something disastrous would occur to the King.

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Of the three Aramaic inscriptions of Asoka, i. e. that of Taxila, of Pul-i-Daruntah, and of Qandahar, the present writer has treated first and foremost the last mentioned and then that of Taxila, while that of Pul-i-Daruntah only in passing.
According to the present writer, the complete interpretation of the Qandahar inscription has not yet been arrived at. One of the difficulties, among others, lies in line 2: WKLHM ‘dwšy’ HWBD, which should be interpreted w^e-kål-hom advišayya hobed “and he (Asoka) has made them all without distress”. advišayya (st. determ. pl.) < α-dvaešah- is a compliment of kål-hom governed by hobed, which should be taken as haf'el of '^abed “to make” and not as that of '^abad “to perish”. The scribe of the inscriptional Aramaic has interchanged the initial 'ain with alef. The interchange of this sort can be attested elsewhere: see my note 19). Once interchanged, though mistakenly, the p^e'al '^abed as intransitive or middle voice becomes a starting point whence is derived its haf'el: hobed in the sense of “to make”. In line 1 we have '^abid “made” while in 1. 2 we have thus Wed “he has made”. The sequence of cognate words '^abid: hobed corresponds stilistically to qaššita: m^ehaqšet (1. 1), paribasta: paribasti (11. 5-6), and hoter: y^ehotar (1. 8) which y^ehotar should rather be taken as jussive. The second difficulties lies in 11. 6-7. hupatyasti (nom. sg. f.)…, 'ek 'asra-hi, halquta w^e-la 'itai dina l^ekål-hom '^anašayya hassen should be interpreted “the good admonition …(given each citizen) in such a way as they (fem. pl.-i. e. the good admonition by his mother, that by his father and that by [his] communal elders) should refrain him, has come to promote the happiness and peace (lit., there-being-no-lawsuit) for all of the people.” The disaccord between the subject fem. sg. and its predicate masc. sg. makes no difficulties: see my note 31).
Viewed from the Qandahar inscription of Asoka, the Taxila inscription may justly be regarded as that of the King Asoka, and not of him as satrap under his father. The word ZKRWT' in 1. 1 alludes seemingly to such a fact that the edict may be a foundation-inscription of a vihara, or a construction-inscription of a Buddha-image or of the like. This problem however claims further consideration.

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目的：アムリタとは，サンスクリット語で「不死」を意味する語であるとともに，不特定のものに適用される形容辞でもあった．しかし，『インドアーユル・ヴェーダ薬局方』（以下略号 API）では，それを特定の複数の薬用植物の同義語として記載している．本論では，インド医学文献におけるアムリタの用例を分析し，アムリタが特定の薬用植物の同義語として規定されるに至った根拠を考察する． 方法：まず，API でアムリタという同義語をもつ薬用植物の薬効を，薬理学の視点から論じる．次に，古代インド三大医学書，それらから処方を引用している『バウアー写本』，および API の典拠のひとつとされる『バーヴァプラカーシャ』におけるアムリタの記述を原文解読することで，その意味を文献学的に分析する． 結果：古代インド三大医学書と『バウアー写本』におけるアムリタは，グドゥーチー，ハリータキー，アーマラカの別称として用いられていた．なかでも，『バーヴァプラカーシャ』の語彙集に記されたグドゥーチーの薬用植物としての起源は，『ラーマーヤナ』に説かれていた「猿たちの復活」と同様に「生命を取り戻す」ことを意味し，「不死」と関連付けた捉え方をしていた． 結論・考察：API におけるアムリタの記述には，古来のインド神話伝説の系譜が関連している．そのことが，API がアムリタを特定の薬用植物の同義語として規定されるに至った根拠のひとつであると考察した．

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In India, since ancient times Tri-phala (meaning three fruits in Sanskrit) has been considered to be a combination of the following fruits: -Haritaki (Terminalia chebula, Retz.), Amalaka (Embelica officinalis Gaertn), and Vibhitaka (Terminalia belerica Roxb.). These plants are also listed in the Ayurvedic Pharmacopoeia of India. Haritaki and Amalaka have also been used for medicinal purposes since ancient times in Japan under the Japanese names of Kariroku and Annmaroku, respectively. Both have been carefully preserved as treasured drugs in the nationally important Shosoin treasure storehouse. This study attempts to clarify the description of Tri-phala in the Navanitaka, which is the second part of the Bower Manuscript (Bower Ms.), and examines the reasons why these plants were combined. This paper begins with a summary description of Tri-phala in the context of traditional Asian medicine, followed by the delineation of drug selection principles in Ayurveda. Tri-phala formulas in the N?van?taka are then examined. The Carakasamhita (CS) treats Tri-phala as a purifier and tonic (rasayana), describing it as a formula for rejuvenation and longevity. On the other hand, the Susrutasamhita (SS) regards Tri-phala as having the efficacy of balancing kapha (phlegm) and pitta (bile), and also as being a medicine to promote excretion and enhance digestive functions for better nutritional intake. It is described to have an effect of curing diseases by keeping the tridhau (theree element) valance. Tri-phala is thus used as an ingredient of laxatives for diseases that result from kapha imbalance and tonic. The Astangahrdayasamhita (AHS) considers Tri-phala to have a particular superiority among cure-all medicines with the power to dispel illness. It controls kapha and overcomes blood diseases. Tri-phala formulas found in the Navanitaka were prescribed for the treatment of abdominal tumors induced by vayu (wind) disorder as well as for coughs caused by pitta and kapha disorder. Tri-phala was also administered to facilitate nutrient absorption, regulate bowel function, and promote excretion. Tri-phala thus restores the balance of tridhau by facilitating water distribution in the body. For these reasons, the optimal combination of Tri-phala was then established to adjust kapha for most efficient purification effects. PMID: 26427099 [Indexed for MEDLINE]

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