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ソマリアPKO派遣構想の挫折

―第二次国連ソマリア活動 (UNOSOMⅡ) 参加と外務省

庄司貴由

年報政治学
2019年 70 巻 2 号 2_164-2_185
発行日: 2019年
公開日: 2020/12/21

DOI https://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.70.2_164

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これまで宮澤政権期のPKO政策をめぐっては、カンボジア派遣の事例に研究上の関心が寄せられてきた。ところが、実現こそされなかったものの、日本政府、とくに外務省内ではソマリア派遣の検討も同時に進められていた。そこで本論は、ソマリアでの国連平和維持活動 (PKO) 参加などに着目し、外務省がどのような検討を行い、いかに模索したのかを明らかにする。
　まず、航空輸送をめぐる試行錯誤に触れ、その帰結としての世界食糧計画 (WFP) との共同空輸が残した問題点を浮き彫りにする。次に、政府調査団が指摘した情勢認識や人的貢献案を論じていく。最後に、外務省の関係省庁、首相官邸との交渉プロセスを、国連事務総長訪日なども交えながら解明する。そして結論では、外務省の説得が合意形成どころか、調整機能の停滞や深刻な対立を招いたこと、その一方でソマリアPKO派遣構想自体には、後の日本が直面する諸課題が凝縮されていたことを明らかにする。

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「混沌圏」の秩序

—IGADとアフリカの角—

阪本拓人

国際政治
2010年 2010 巻 159 号 159_72-86
発行日: 2010/02/25
公開日: 2012/06/15

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.159_72

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The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), which consists of seven countries around the Horn of Africa, is one of the least recognized regional organizations in the world. In fact, in the small amount of literature dealing with this organization, it is quite common to depict it as a dysfunctional organization where conflicts and mistrust among the member states have hampered its proper functioning. It is even referred to as a ‘perfect example’ of a paralyzed organization. Given that the Horn has hosted many inter-state, as well as intra-state conflicts, such a harsh judgment might seem plausible.
In this article, a somewhat different view is suggested. By exploring various aspects of IGAD—its activities, motivation of the member states, their relations with each other and with the outside world—, it draws attention to the often overlooked roles of this organization, especially its utility for the survival of the governments of the member states.
First of all, IGAD is by no means a paralyzed organization. Tracking its record of activities reveals that member states have quite frequently gathered at regional meetings. Many of them have actively been involved in diverse activities such as mediations in civil wars in Sudan and Somalia, as well as building a regional conflict early warning system.
These activities are consistent with the urgent needs of the countries in the Horn, that is, regime survival in the context of a more or less fragile state. At the same time, however, these endeavors in IGAD do not necessarily entail deepening regional cooperation, much less integration, among the member states. While they have been trying to expand their cooperation in many fields, including mutual dialogue, conflict resolution, and even collective military action, these have been pursued mostly in an ad hoc manner and their effects remain very limited.
With its stated objective of integration a distant possibility, what aspect of IGAD could ensure its continued existence? The article illuminates the valuable link this organization provides, that is, the link with the wider international society. IGAD can be considered as a sort of forum where member states mobilize various extra-regional actors (AU, EU, UN, donor countries, etc.) for the survival of their own regimes. In fact, the countries in the Horn not only obtain external resources through IGAD, but also raise collective voices there, urging the international community to take specific policies that are conductive to strengthening their domestic rule.
Although the responses from outside the region have scarcely been as much as was expected, they can be helpful for the countries in the Horn, which have been struggling in desperate material and political conditions.
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遠藤貢著『崩壊国家と国際安全保障――ソマリアにみる新たな国家像の誕生』

片岡貞治

国際安全保障
2016年 44 巻 2 号 86-90
発行日: 2016/09/30
公開日: 2022/04/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.57292/kokusaianzenhosho.44.2_86

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「保護する責任」を司るグローバル権威の正当性

―国連安保理と民主主義国協調―

千知岩正継

国際政治
2013年 2013 巻 171 号 171_114-171_128
発行日: 2013/01/30
公開日: 2014/12/13

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.171_114

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In recent years, some IR theorists have begun to depart from the assumption of anarchy and to shed light on certain forms of inter-state hierarchy. Stimulated by those new studies, this article engages in a discussion on the legitimacy of a global authority which is expected to preside over ‘Responsibility to Protect (R2P)’ norms.
The first part of this paper clarifies the global authority governing R2P norms, and explains its critical importance. Drawing upon the concept of “right authority” in just war traditions, it is argued that a global authority in relation to R2P is supposed to decide whether certain states fail to fulfil their responsibility to protect, and if necessary, to take responsibility for authorizing military interventions for human protection. This will inevitably determine the nature of global order.
The following two sections examine both the United Nations Security Council and a proposed concept of “Concert of Democracies” as possible candidates to be the global authority. As a universally agreed legal authority, the Council is entrusted with the fulfilling of R2P principles, and in fact many commentators saw the Council decision in the case of Libyan civil war as its first successful implementation of R2P. However, the Council has critical legitimacy deficits in terms of its selective function to the intractable question of “for whom should the Council be ultimately accountable and responsible?” As for the idea of “Concert of Democracies” it is a reflection of “liberal hierarchy” based on the solidarity of liberal democracies, and presented as a preferred alternative to the illegitimate and ineffective Council. On the contrary to optimistic expectations, it is demonstrated that its exclusive membership and misguided assessment of liberal democratic states behaviour will undermine this institution’s legitimacy.
In conclusion I suggest two daunting challenges that the Security Council should overcome as the global authority responsible for putting R2P norms into practice. The first is to translate a plurality of values and interests of the Council members into the unity and effective decision making in times of humanitarian tragedies. The other challenge concerns the need for the Council to seek legitimation not only from member states but also from those people severely affected by the Council action or inaction. This might involve a transformation of the Council from globally acting authority into a kind of cosmopolitan authority based on the approval of “we the people” If this is the case, a new form of the Council authority will need further consideration.
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国際貢献の現場で活躍できる人材とは

菅波茂, 田中共子

教育心理学年報
2007年 46 巻 7-11
発行日: 2007/03/30
公開日: 2012/12/11

DOI https://doi.org/10.5926/arepj1962.46.0_7

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時事英語教育の一方法-異なるメディアを通して

吉田国子

時事英語学研究
1994年 1994 巻 33 号 85-99
発行日: 1994/09/01
公開日: 2012/11/13

DOI https://doi.org/10.11293/jaces1962.1994.33_85

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スウェーデンにおける近年の経済成長の特徴と政治の変化

佐藤吉宗

生活協同組合研究
2015年 469 巻 8-15
発行日: 2015/02/05
公開日: 2023/04/05

DOI https://doi.org/10.57538/consumercoopstudies.469.0_8

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嗜好品からドラッグへ

イギリス・オランダのイエメン人とカート

大坪玲子

嗜好品文化研究
2020年 2020 巻 5 号 84-90
発行日: 2020年
公開日: 2022/07/29

DOI https://doi.org/10.34365/shikohinbunka.2020.5_84

研究報告書・技術報告書オープンアクセス

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書評

アジア・アフリカ地域研究
2009年 8 巻 2 号 215-223
発行日: 2009/03/31
公開日: 2018/12/05

DOI https://doi.org/10.14956/asafas.8.215

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Kennedy Agade Mkutu. Guns and Governance in the Rift Valley: Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms. Oxford: James Currey, 2008, xii＋178p.
佐川　　徹
　
伊藤正子．『民族という政治―ベトナム民族分類の歴史と現在』三元社，2008年，306p.
庄司　博史

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5　人道支援の政治化の抑止　国連ソマリア支援ミッションを事例に

新沼剛

平和研究
2019年 52 巻 99-117
発行日: 2019年
公開日: 2023/11/24

DOI https://doi.org/10.50848/psaj.52006

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This paper examines the extent to which the institutionalization of risk analysis in the integrated assessment of UN integrated missions can prevent the politicization of humanitarian operations. Most studies regarding the impact of UN integrated missions on humanitarian operations were conducted before the release of the Integrated Assessment and Planning Handbook (IAP Handbook) in 2013. The handbook contains a checklist of humanitarian considerations intended to minimize the politicization of humanitarian operations. This paper reviews the process of the integrated assessment for the establishment of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) from the viewpoint of the checklist. The case study on UNSOM suggests two implications. First, a careful risk analysis of negative conditions for integration would contribute to minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations. In the UNSOM assessment process, the Secretariat did not recommend a fully integrated UN mission, as it would negatively affect the relationship with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) . It demonstrates that the checklist, which includes a question on considering the relationship with NGOs, has a certain effect in minimizing the politicization of humanitarian operations at the Secretariat level. Second, there is a possibility that the Security Council may disregard the risk analysis conducted by the Secretariat for security and political reasons. The Security Council decided on the establishment of a more integrated mission (UNSOM) to contribute to political stabilization in Somalia as opposed to the Secretariat’ s recommendation. This shows that the balancing act between humanitarian, security, and political requirements at the Security Council level is yet to be resolved.

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集団安全保障と安全保障理事会の役割

筒井若水

世界法年報
1994年 1994 巻 14 号 23-36
発行日: 1994/12/20
公開日: 2011/02/07

DOI https://doi.org/10.11388/yearbookofworldlaw1986.1994.23

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「南スーダンにおける紛争解決合意（ARCSS）」署名を巡るIGAD加盟国の関与

松波康男

アフリカレポート
2019年 57 巻 1-12
発行日: 2019/01/07
公開日: 2019/08/03

DOI https://doi.org/10.24765/africareport.57.0_1

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2011年に南スーダンは分離独立を果たしたが、そのわずか2年後、サルバ・キール大統領率いるSPLM/Aと、リアク・マシャール前副大統領率いるSPLM/A-IOとの戦闘が勃発した。この際、和平調停の役割を担ったのがIGADだった。和平協議は和平合意文書へのキールらの署名という形で結実したが、1年を待たずに両軍による戦闘行為が勃発し、合意文書は死文化した。
　本稿では、合意文書の締結を巡り周辺国に生じた力学を整理し、合意締結後南スーダンで勃発した武力衝突に対する国際的要因を検証することを通じて、紛争解決に対する地域機構加盟国の関与のあり方を考察する。

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7　国連憲章第7章に残された課題―――冷戦後の安全保障理事会の実行を中心として

西浦直子

平和研究
2009年 34 巻 135-151
発行日: 2009年
公開日: 2023/11/24

DOI https://doi.org/10.50848/psaj.34008

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It is planned to resume the discussion on the Security Council reform at the General Assembly this year. However, an important issue that has remained from the creation of the United Nations is not going to be among its agenda: the all-powerful authority of the Security Council under Chapter VII and the total absence of checking measure on its practice. This article focuses on the contradiction between the “rule of law” in the United Nations legal order and the “rule by law” based on the accumulated practices by the Security Council in the Post-Cold War era.
One of the serious problems is the violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter the practices of the authorization on the use of force under Chapter VII poses. Chapter VII is the institution in which the Security Council makes authoritative decision on both legality and legitimacy of the use of force. However, through the accumulation of the practices, certain states have come to consider Chapter VII as mere formal requisite. Such fact can be regarded as the “rule by law”, in which only a limited group of states can justify the armed intervention with the authorization from the Security Council.
The other problem is the discrepancy between the enforcement measures and the development within the United Nations legal order. In recent years, the United Nations developed deeper concerns with international human rights law and humanitarian law. Under such circumstances, the comprehensive embargo on Iraq or the measures for anti-terrorism are criticized as the violation of fundamental human rights of the innocent civilians. This means the practices of such enforcement measures are regarded as the “rule by law”, in which the Security Council executes enforcement of law for the security at the cost of the fundamental human rights.
The shared issue in these “rule by law” is the lack of the review system on the authority of the Security Council under the Chapter VII. Therefore, it is to construct an alternative system to the centralized system, to balance the authority of the Security Council.

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アフリカにおけるリージョナリゼーションの展開

—難民問題を扱う制度的枠組みの変容—

中山裕美

国際政治
2010年 2010 巻 159 号 159_87-100
発行日: 2010/02/25
公開日: 2012/06/15

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.159_87

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The progress of globalization has given rise of regionalization all over the world. This article explains the progress of regionalization in African refugee problem area by global and regional institutional change.
In the refugee problem area, there are two types of institution, one is an institution normatively formed for the refugee protection, which is called the international institution for refugees, and the other is an institution type without normative formation.
International institution for refugees consists of the global system and the regional system, which can be called ‘nested’ institutional complex. Interaction between those two systems showed unilateral complement by the regional system. That was why the nested international institution for refugees remained its European centric feature, so that it had little effect in Africa.
On the other hand, since 1990s, the horizontal institutional complex which consists of both international institution for refugees and African regional frameworks such as AU, ECOWAS, SADC and etc, has appeared in African refugee problem area. Such change from the nested to the horizontal was derived from global and regional institutional change.
External factors, such as the end of Cold War and the situation of refugee problem in Africa, had some influences on each institutional change. However, these are insufficient to explain the difference in their process of change.
With the institutionalism theory approach, following conclusions have been led;
International institution for refugees has extended in the way of UNHCR activity. By offering informational and transactional functions, UNHCR had been acquired the spontaneous order, which made UNHCR take initiative in implementation of institution after the end of Cold War.
In Africa, AU has strengthened their existing framework for refugees, on the other hand, ECOWAS and SADC has extended their problem area from economy to politics. Internal factors of AU, such as a firm collective decision making system and transactional functions offered by a secretariat, caused institutional reinforcement. In addition, AU had had an organ specialized for refugees, which has reduced the asset making costs. Internal factors of ECOWAS showed different aspects. Because of the lowness of asset specificity, informational and transactional functions such as a trust building system and a decision making system could be applied from economic to political area. And it is also because refugee problem has both humanitarian and security aspects, institutionalization in security area could be spill over to refugee area. In addition, economic institution and refugee institution have common strategies on management of migration. These influences derived from economic institution can be seen in institutional change in SADC. In addition, SADC has historically had political aspects, which made institution extend to political area easily.
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書評

アジア・アフリカ地域研究
2003年 3 巻 249-261
発行日: 2003/11/30
公開日: 2018/12/05

DOI https://doi.org/10.14956/asafas.3.249

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Judy Ledgerwood ed. Cambodia Emerges from the Past: Eight Essays. Dekalb:
Southeast Asia Publications, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern
Illinois University, 2002, 305p.
小林　　知

Dorothy L. Hodgson. Rethinking Pastoralism in Africa: Gender, Culture and the Myth of the Patriarchal Pastoralist. Oxford: James Currey, 2000, 272p.
佐川　　徹

Kay Kaufman Shelemay. Soundscapes. New York: University of Illinois Press,
2001, 393p.
川瀬　　慈

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人権・国家と二つの正統性システム-人道的介入の理論的考察-

国際政治理論の再構築

青井千由紀

国際政治
2000年 2000 巻 124 号 108-122,L12
発行日: 2000/05/12
公開日: 2010/09/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji1957.124_108

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The purpose of this thesis is to offer a theoretical explanation of humanitarian intervention, and to examine the legitimacy of such actions. This thesis will argue that humanitarian intervention can be explained by the co-existence of two systems of legitimacy for state actions: Ethical Legitimacy, and Power Legitimacy. Ethical Legitimacy is the legitimacy of state actions based upon human rights and humanitarian concerns. Power Legitimacy is the legitimacy of state actions based upon the geo-strategic concerns of sovereign states. It will be argued that through the practices of the UN Security Council in the post-Cold War era, which allowed for reinterpretations of the UN Charter provisions, it has become permissible for states and the UN to intervene in internal humanitarian crises, overriding sovereignty. Yet, the imperatives of ethical legitimacy are both reinforced and challenged by those of power legitimacy, which determine the political processes of intervention.
This thesis also puts forward a procedure-oriented assessment of the international legitimacy of humanitarian intervention. As a result of ethical legitimacy being strengthened, humanitarian intervention has become permissible at the level of principles, while the legitimacy of intervention tends to be more frequently determined by procedural issues—the political process of decision-making, the procedure of intervention and its effectiveness.
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民主制と独裁制の生存条件

離散時間型生存分析による体制別危険因子の再検証

三上了

年報政治学
2005年 56 巻 2 号 146-169,252
発行日: 2005年
公開日: 2010/04/30

DOI https://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.56.2_146

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When and why does breakdown of political systems occur? Recent empirical works on regime changes have failed to address this question properly because their frameworks conventionally treat onset and outcome of political transitions as the same problem.
Conceptualizing the dependent variable more precisely and using an original data set that covers all system transformations in the 20th century, this paper reexamines the various hypotheses concerning sustainability of political systems. The factors analyzed here include: development level, resource dependence, economic inequality, social fractionalization, position in the world system, inflation, and economic recession.
The results indicate that although some factors have a common destabilizing effect, other factors act in the opposite direction between the two types of regime at risk. The regression models also reveal that dictatorships are more vulnerable to situational changes whereas democracies are immune to these threats: their survival depends more on the structural differences instead.
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海上交通の安全確保における陸上自衛隊の役割

――海洋国家の陸軍種として――

吉富望

国際安全保障
2015年 43 巻 1 号 106-122
発行日: 2015/06/30
公開日: 2022/04/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.57292/kokusaianzenhosho.43.1_106

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セキュリタイゼーションと政治的時間の諸相

―保護する責任 (R2P) 概念の変遷を一事例として―

高澤洋志

年報政治学
2015年 66 巻 2 号 2_257-2_278
発行日: 2015年
公開日: 2018/12/15

DOI https://doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.66.2_257

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本稿の目的は, 近年, 国際政治の重要な主題となっている「保護する責任 (R2P)」概念およびセキュリタイゼーションの議論を手掛かりに,政治的時間の諸相を明らかにすることである。R2P概念は2001年に有識者委員会によって提唱されたが, 国連での受容が進む過程でその内容が大きく修正され, 現在, 国連事務総長報告書 (2009年) における概念規定が国際的な共通理解となっている。本稿は, セキュリタイゼーションの理論的視座から2001年および2009年のR2P概念を比較することで, 「時間」と権力および政治の関係, すなわち時間・権力・政治のトリアーデを考察する。この考察から明らかになるのは, R2P概念の変遷とともに, 同概念の基盤となっていた時間・権力・政治の関係が, 「政治的時間の構造化による権力の制御」から「政治的時間の脱構造化による権力の伸張」に転換したということである。最後に, 本稿の明らかにした政治的時間の諸相が現在の政治状況にいかなる示唆を有するのか, 簡単に触れる。

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冷戦後アフリカにおける紛争対応メカニズム-OAUの展開を中心にして-

転換期のアフリカ

青木一能

国際政治
2000年 2000 巻 123 号 110-126,L14
発行日: 2000/01/28
公開日: 2010/09/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji1957.123_110

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In the 1990s after the end of the cold-war, the African Continent has been covered by a current of political democratization and economical liberalization. It can be said that most African states have experienced a second independence because of these structual changes of potlitical and economical regimes. However, these structual changes have created social unrest and violent clashes between the peoples in many African states. As a result, Africa has had many internal conflicts in the 1990s.
Therefore, the current spate of African conflict is precipitated by a crisis of political legitimacy in the African state, and the need to manage change and provide transition to a stable state with responsible and legitimate government. African leaders began to think in innovative institutions to manage the continent's challenges, particularly internal conflict. In accordance with them, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and a number of regional organizations in particular faced new challenges as Africans and others pressed them to take on more responsibilty for managing conflicts and the cosequent humanitarian crisis.
In this article, I have tried to refer to the establishment and development of the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR) of the OAU. At the June 1993 summit in Cairo the OAU approved the creation of the mechanism which is oriented as an operational arm of the secretary general with the advice of the newly created Central Organ to provide legal authority between OAU summits. Since the establishment, this mechanism has worked for ten conflicts in Africa though its effects were not so functional and effictive because it has the many limitations of OAU charter, and scarce funding. Therefore, the mechanism has to resolve many problems in the near future. If African states are able to resolve them, its mechanism will be very functional and it is the most important institution for managing conflicts in Africa. The purpose of this article is to refer to the development and problems of the OAU mechanism for managing conflicts.
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