In the mountainous region of the Hautes-Alpes in Southern France, the increasing devastation of forests and pasturelands and the resultant damage caused by the flooding of steep streams and torrents was a controversial issue during the 19th century. This paper selected Briot’s argument that attributed devastation of pasturelands to the disconnection of material circulation and proposed measures to recover such cycles, investigated their characteristics and limitations, and aims to clarify how his proposal shaped agriculture and grazing operations in the mountainous region. To summarize, this paper discusses the following. Briot emphasized the disconnection of material circulation in high altitude pasturelands as the cause for the devastation of mountainous regions. Based on this analysis, he proposed that artificial fertilizers and irrigation should be introduced to cultivate fields in the low altitude regions, as measures to prevent disconnection of material circulation. These are realistic measures to help recover material circulation in high altitude pasturelands, prevent devastation of mountainous regions, and prevent natural disasters. In addition, they can help the community residents to pursue practices that can prevent the devastation of pasturelands and simultaneously support the development of livestock farming. However, Briot’s proposal was not faultless because it would supposedly allow community residents to become involved more deeply in the competition to cope with market demand. Especially, it had the effect of declining and curtailing the life-oriented agricultural practices of the Hautes-Alpes during unfavorable natural conditions under the influence of the Great Depression and the influx of agricultural and livestock products from the New Continent. Here, we find another aspect of Briot’s proposal designed to facilitate the recovery and conservation of the mountainous region as disaster contingency planning.

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A characteristic feature of the urbanization of France from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 1930s was the process by which tramway networks were established in cities and, in particular, by which suburbs developed. Based on the examination of two main historical sources, the manuscript census registers and materials of the tramway management, this paper studies the social impact of tramway construction in the suburbs of Marseille by focusing on families and individuals. The quarter of les Camoins, located in a farming area approximately 13 kilometers from the city center, suffered from a population drain to urban areas in the mid-19th century. However, this quarter began to be reactivated when large-scale plants moved out to the suburbs and with the diffusion of urban-type agriculture from the end of the century. Although conflicting interests caused considerable delay in tramway construction, the opening of tramway traffic in 1907 accelerated reactivation of the area. Les Camoins as a health resort first gained strength in 1911, and in 1931, with the coming of the tram age, the quarter was transformed into a true residential area. Furthermore, local people began to settle there permanently, and people from other areas and other countries (mainly Italy) increased, lending a Mediterranean character to les Camoins and thus transforming a suburban quarter of a large city.

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In this paper, I examine the cases of the water commerce between inland Gaul (e.g. Lugdunensis, Aquitania, Belgica, two provinces of Germany, and northern Narbonensis) and Italy. As evidenced by the inscriptions CIL XIII 1942 and VI 29722, two traders engaged in river and marine transportation. It is said that in the first and second century A. D., the nature of the economy of inland Gaul was different from that of the Mediterranean region: indeed, the networks of traders appear to have been divided between those two areas. On the other hand, scholars have often discussed the marine transporters of southern Gaul who were active in the Mediterranean region, some of whom maintained relationships with officers supervising the supply of food in Rome, i.e., the annona. In this case, it should be pointed out that in outlining the plan of the Roman economy, the foregoing studies pay less attention to individual cases. Further, although there is a lack of reliable and detailed evidence, scholars facilely tend to assume that the marine transporters of southern Gaul operated in Italy. Therefore, I focus on the two abovementioned traders who have recorded their own activities in inland Gaul and Italy. CIL XIII 1942 clarifies the fact that the deceased became augustalis both in Lyon and Pozzuoli, having found favor with other augustales, who mainly comprised those engaged in commerce or industry. Further, he had no dealings with the annona or its officials. This allows us to envisage that he had built and developed relationships with a variety of merchants and artisans in both cities by crossing the borders of two different economic blocs. On the other hand, CIL VI 29722 indicates that the deceased participated in commercial activities as a member of a family enterprise based in Lyon and Rome, which had been managed since the generation of his grandfather-a man who had left his mark on both cities. Moreover, it is remarkable that he not only joined more than one trade association based in Lyon or Rome as a member but was also assigned to important posts in the associations. This indicates that using the family enterprise as the first step, he succeeded in building wide human networks beyond associations and regions. In this case too, it is not proved that the deceased had any dealings with the annona. Based on the facts demonstrated above, I conclude that the two traders had wide networks with a variety of merchants or transporters in both inland Gaul and Italy. Further, these traders relied on people of the same social section rather than those from higher sections, such as officers of the state. Moreover, as an aspect of this study, I suggest that the existence of wide-ranging human relationships between the two regions might provide a new perspective on economical structures in the foregoing discussion.

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Bara and Viala are famous "children" of the French Revolution. It has been said that they sacrificed themselves for the revolutionary cause. There is, however, a great deal of uncertainty about these heroes. What is the truth about their deaths ? Who created their legends ? Why did these tales spread rapidly during the Revolution ? Why and how were they revived under the Third Republic ? These questions have remained unanswered. Bara and Viala died bravely in the revolutionary war; howevrer, their deaths were not as heroic as heretofore believed. It was Robespierre who made their lives and deaths more heroic. At that time, Robespierre was struggling with the dechristianisation, antireligious movement, on the one hand, and the popular cult of Marat, on the other. He needed new heroes who could garner support from the sans-culottes to his cause. Robespierre and his friends were able to impose their heroes on the people, especially on the young, at least to a certain degree. This was propably owing to the trend in French society, which became more and more evident in the 18th century, towards the decline of paternal authority and the increase in the value of children. Both were legitimized during the Revolution. Although Bara and Viala legends died out after the fall of Robespierre, legends of heroic children were revived under the Third Republic, especially in the textbooks used in primary schools. At that time, Republicans used the legends of Bara and Viala in the hope that republicanism and patriotism would become rooted deeply in children's minds, but they neglected the fact purposely that these had been created by Robespierre. In any case, these children again became heroes. The Republicans also changed Jacobin young patriots into heroes of French history.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine changes in the system governing irrigation associations in France in the 19^<th> century, with special reference to the forced participation of reluctant landowners in the system. First, we will examine the system before the act of 1865 on land improvement associations. As opposed to disaster prevention associations, the unanimous agreement of all landowners was required for the creation of irrigation associations. Second, we will examine the act of 1865. This act divided land improvement associations into two types. One type were called "free associations," the other type were known as "authorized associations." The unanimous agreement of all landowners was required for the creation of a free association, and irrigation associations could be founded only as free associations. Objections concerning this point were raised in the legislative body. After due discussion, it was decided by the act of 1865 that, for the protection of property rights, unanimity was required for the creation of associations whose objectives were limited to land improvement goals such as irrigation. Third, we will analyze the process that lead to the revision of the act in 1888. After three presentations of the bill, the act of 1865 was revised. In deliberations in the National Assembly, it was emphasized that the protection of property rights was important. There was, however, an opinion that the regulation of the act prevented the construction of irrigation systems. Therefore, after discussions, it was concluded that the act of 1865 should be revised so as not to require the unanimous agreement of all landowners for the creation of an irrigation association. Following this revision, irrigation associations could be created according to the similar conditions governing the establishment of disaster prevention associations. By the revision of 1888, reluctant landowners could be forced to participate in irrigation associations. There were, however, objections to the introduction of this system for associations concerned merely with land improvements. This shows that there was strong opposition to infringements of property rights for the creation of this type of association.

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Adrien de Gasparin, a great agronomist in nineteenth-century France, criticized the rigid theory of the "Anglomania" school and tried to show another way of renovation for French agriculture. This original standpoint of Gasparin was born from his observation on the agriculture in Mediterranean Southern France where he lived, and whose specific climate and civilization were to obstruct the introduction of the capitalist farming of English type. In his work written in 1820, Gasparin idealized the small landowners' society in Southern France and in Switzerland, while criticizing the large landownership in England, Spain and southern Italy. Independent small landowners were, in his view, the real basis of agricultural progress as well as of industrious economic life and of political freedom and social equality. The division of land was especially important for Continental agriculture because the scale of landed property must be proportioned to the small quantity of capital available among the farmers there. Gasparin's support for the small landownership was founded on the prosperity of intensive farming of industrial crops such as madder, mulberry in Southern France. He thought this type of small-scale farming the most promising and found other examples in Flanders, Alsace, Tuscany, Switzerland and in the environs of large cities. Gasparin considered the intensive small-scale farming the suitable form of agricultural progress in Southern France, because the major problem of traditional agriculture based on metayage and two fields system consisted in farmers' long leisure and idleness, and the introduction of industrial crops could awake the enterprising spirit in farmers and induce them to work and invest capital incessantly. Thus Gasparin perceived, before Max Weber, the importance of the "spirit of capitalism" for agricultural modernization and this mental point of view was inspired "by his own ascetic Protestantism. Gasparin's thought can be summarized as the conception of "small-scale capitalistic farming" as against large-scale capitalist farming of English type. The truth of his theory was proved by the development of agriculture in Southern France from that time on.

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