Carnets et poèmes chez André du Bouchet

Poésie reprise dans le lieu de création

Takayuki YAMAGUCHI

 

  Comme l’ont montré les recherches de Michel Collot, les carnets jouent un rôle important dans le processus de création poétique d’André du Bouchet. Du Bouchet avait l’habitude de porter un carnet sur lequel il écrivait rapidement différentes notes. Par exemple, dans Une lampe dans la lumière aride : carnets, 1949-1955, il inscrit ses réflexions sur la poésie et l’art, ses considérations sur certains poètes et peintres, ses études poétiques, ses journaux intimes qui laissent paraître, entre autres, ses cicatrices de guerre et son père. Le poète y puise, par la suite, la matière de ses vers pour ses poèmes. C’est de cette manière que les premiers poèmes sont rassemblés dans Air (1951). Et c’est par la relecture de ses anciens carnets que le poète réécrit Air : une nouvelle version publiée en 1977, Défets (1981) et Rapides (1980). Ce travail de réécriture amène le poète, pendant de longues années, à affiner ses vers extrêmement courts.

  Pour du Bouchet, l’écriture provient de l’expérience d’un coup tombé qui marque une rencontre entre lui et le monde, que le poète note à la hâte sur une page de carnet qui lui servira, ultérieurement, comme source de son écriture. Certes, la réécriture pousse le poète à trouver de nouvelles formes, mais sa conscience remonte toujours à son expérience originelle où il est entré en contact avec le monde. Il y a donc deux mouvements qui vont dans deux directions opposées à partir du lieu de création du poète : une marche en avant d’une part, et de l’autre, une en arrière. S’il ne peut être réduit à une envie de revisiter ce qui a été inscrit une fois, qu’est-ce qu’implique ce double mouvement ?

  Pour répondre à cette question, nous proposons d’abord de mener des études comparatives entre les carnets et les poèmes. Nous espérons ainsi, en suivant les fils qui vont des carnets aux poèmes, éclairer la genèse poétique de l’écriture de du Bouchet. Ensuite, nous essayons de montrer ce qu’apporte ce double mouvement de va-et-vient du lieu de création, en faisant référence à un texte du poète sur Baudelaire, intitulé « Poésie et représentation de la poésie ».

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  The author has long been involved in research on how Western clothing styles spread throughout Japan toward the end of the Tokugawa shogunate period. It is interesting to note that the French couturier S. Bouché, which happened to form a relation with Japan early on in the country's pursuit of exchange with foreign countries (in this case, France), played a key role in the diffusion of Western dress among the Japanese.

  S. Bouché was established on November 18, 1862 as Crémieux Bouché & Cie, and then later as S. Bouché & Cie. The name of its shop was Aux Galeries de Paris, located at 29 Boulevart des Italiens. On March 7, 1865, the company name was changed from Crémieux Bouché & Cie to S. Bouché & Cie and a new shop was opened at 138 Rue de Rivoli. On April 26, 1867, a group led by Akitake Tokugawa, then the Popular Affairs Vice-Minister of Japan, visited the shop to purchase Western clothing. A month later on May 26, an agreement was signed that acknowledged S. Bouché & Cie as official purveyor to the Popular Affairs Vice-Minister of Japan. Printed on their shop card were a hollyhock trefoil coat of arms that they created, Japanese and Western swords, the Rising Sun design, and the words “Fournisseurs brevetés de sai le Prince Mimbou Tayo-Dono.” The research revealed that S. Bouché played no small role as a source of men's Western clothing that subsequently spread and developed throughout Japan. On March 28, 1882, S. Bouché & Cie was dissolved. The exchange between S. Bouché and Japan in the latter half of the 19th century set a milestone in the history of men's clothing in Japan.

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The arms trade in the Persian Gulf experienced a drastic expansion in the mid-1890s, and emerged as an important issue for the polities around the Gulf. This study investigated the factors giving rise to and sustaining this trade. Analysis was conducted from the perspective of the attempts of the Qajar dynasty of Iran to suppress the trade on the Gulfs northern shore.

　The Qajar government’s initial suppressive attempts remained unsuccessful, revealing the two factors sustaining the trade: first, the complicated interests within the Qajar government concerning the profits from the trade, and second, the difficulty in regulation that arose from the trade's international nature, namely, the existence of Muscat as a "loophole." This situation led the Qajar government to cooperate with the British Empire. Besides strengthening the existing suppressive measures, the Qajar government permitted the British Navy's activities in its territorial waters. Furthermore, a joint Qajar-British request was communicated to the Muscat government in December 1897 asking for the introduction of more effective suppressive measures. However, the joint request did not bring about the expected result, although the various interests within the Qajar government had been reconfigured and ceased to promote the arms trade by that time. This was probably due to the trade's economic importance for the Muscat government, the Muscat government's treaty obligations to the other great powers, and the noncooperation of France. This failure guaranteed the continuation of the trade itself, which became less visible and accelerated the influx of modern arms into southern Iran.

　In conclusion, the author asserts that the development and the failure of the measures taken to suppress the Persian Gulf arms trade reflected not only the characteristics of the arms trade, but also the nature of the regional order of the Persian Gulf at that time.

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家庭用ガスオーブンの予備加熱の必要性について,高温短時間で層状に膨化させて焼き上げるフレンチパイの,型ぬき式とパルミエ式のそれぞれ小型の基本型について,実用的な形の場合も含めて検討した結果,
1.型ぬき式パイの基本型で厳密に比較すると,予備加熱ありの方が焼き縮みが小さく,よく揃って焼ぎ上るが,予備加熱なしでも加熱時間の延長でパイ製品としてはほとんど支障のない製品が得られた.
2.パルミエ式パイの基本型で厳密に比較すると,予備加熱ありの方がやき縮みが少なく,特にファンなしのオーブンでは外観に加えて層のでき方や触感の点でも,加熱時間の延長のみでは解決できない有意差がみられた.
3.1,2のようなことが厳密には出現するが,実用的な場合として小型の,パルミエを焼いてみると,結局基本型より形が複雑であったり,生地量が多いので焙焼時間を長く要したりするため,予備加熱なしでも加熱時間を延長すれば予備加熱ありより特に劣るとは感じられなかった.
4.ガス使用量は前報同様の結果であった.以上より,差が出やすいはずの小型・基本型のパイでは,今までに検討したケーキ,シュー皮,パン,クッキー(ラングドシャ以外)とは異なり,予備加熱の有無による影響が非常に僅かではあっても明らかにあることを確認したが,実用的な形にするとすでにそれらのことは問題にならない.
1報以来の検討を通して,それ以外の場合でも結局は家庭用ガスオーブンではガスの節約という点からも予備加熱の必要はない.
これは業務用の大型と異なり庫内が小さいことと,ガスという熱源に起因すると考えるが,特にファンありの高速オーブンが普及しつつある今日から将来にかけて,家庭用ガス高速オーブンである限りほとんどすべてのものを焼く場合に予備加熱の必要性は無しと判断するに至った.

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This paper sheds new light on Japanese perceptions of Persia and, from a broader perspective, Oriental art and archaeology in the early 20th century. Previous studies exploring Japan’s shaping of the “Orient” in the field of art during this period, primarily focused on Japanese relations with East Asia. In contrast, this study considers how the notion of the “Orient” was expanded to include not only China, Korea, and India, but also Persia, and examines the broader meaning of “Persia” and how “Persian art” became part of the Japanese drive to reconstruct the “greatest Oriental museum.” It addresses these questions by focusing on the travels of Kuroita Katsumi (1874–1946), a professor of Japanese history at Tokyo Imperial University, through Persia, and his cultural activities after he returned to Japan in 1928. Specifically, it explores his participation in the Keimeikai 10th Anniversary Exhibition of Oriental art and the Committee to Support the Imperial Household Museum’s Restoration (Teishitsu Hakubutsukan Fukkō Yokusankai). This paper concludes by arguing that Persian art, with its historical connection to Japan substantiated by Kuroita’s journey, played a key role in expanding the “Orient” to encompass the entire region of West Asia and Egypt.

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