随着中国人口老龄化的急剧发展，如何能让老年人步入老龄后的生活质量得以保证，成为当今社会一个重要的课题。由于受中国传统道德观念、相关法律条文的规定、以及养老院服务质量不达标等诸多因素的影响，大多数的子女都选择自己亲自照顾年老后的父母，而非将父母送进养老院。由此，衍生出了另一个重要的问题，那就是亲自照顾老龄父母的子女以及其他亲属的“看护负担问题”。特别是独生子女如何在照顾父母和自己的工作生活中取得平衡。本文通过对中国和日本的养老机构、养老服务、针对于家族看护的援助措施等方面进行比较，明确中国家族看护者的现状及其需求。通过分析比较日本针对家族看护者的支援策略，从而明确了为了使中国家族看护者的看护负担得以减轻，需要通过居家养老“三大支柱”的设置、对于保姆以及其他养老服务工作的从业人员的专业化职前教育、社区服务的完善和充实这三个方面来进行改善。

Fires involving a large number of casualties in elderly nursing homes in China in recent years are described. The fire safety codes and standards for elderly nursing homes in China and Japan are overviewed, and comparisons were made for specific model buildings. According to the comparative analysis, understanding of the differences between the two countries was possible. In China, codes for fire protection of buildings, such as fire compartments can meet the codes and standards in Japan. But the codes and standards for fire report apparatus, smoke exhaust systems, stairwells, and evacuation equipment were found not to be as well organized as in Japan.

Since the introduction of the Reform and Opening-up Policy in 1978, social inequality and instability in Chinese cities have reemerged. Conflicts between individual urban residents, private enterprises, social organizations, and local authorities over wealth and opportunities created by the rapid economic development have intensified. Moreover, frustration among those who failed to benefit from this competition is also on a sharp rise. Social tension, along with social diversity, has made it very difficult for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to maintain social stability in urban China. In order to cope with this situation, which might become a severe risk for the party-state system, the CCP has been trying to reinforce its urban governance through residents’ committees.

In the official context, the residents’ committee is a grassroots level autonomous organization, which takes care of daily issues within local communities. Members of residents’ committees are chosen through elections. This election gives the residents’ committee a “democratic” image. However, in reality, it is a sub-administrative organization controlled by the local government. Not only does it provide benefits for urban residents, but it is also in charge of management and surveillance of the urban populous. Therefore, many literatures have concluded that local governments have established a firm control over residents’ committee and through that control the CCP has improved its urban governance.

In order to investigate state influence towards residents’ committees, the author conducted fieldwork at a residents’ committee (“J” committee) located in Hangzhou city from 2015 to 2017. One of the objectives of this ethnographical observation was the election process of choosing the new leadership of “J” committee. This paper introduces what the author encountered during that election and elaborates over those findings.

All of the members of “J” committee leadership, turned out to be CCP members. They interfered with the election process by mobilizing other party members within the community. Mobilized party members interfered with the election in various ways in order to secure a high voting rate. They did this to gain high evaluation from the local government, which decides the annual budget of “J” committee.

What became clear through this ethnographical observation was that “J” committee was indeed manipulating the election in order to gain more resources from the local government. Since the officials of the local government and members of “J” committee were both party members, it could be said that lower level party members were actually maneuvering against their superiors. This incident shows that local governments do not necessarily possess firm control over residents’ committees. Therefore, this paper argues that the theory of “Fragmented Authoritarianism” propounded by Kenneth Lieberthal and Michel Oksenberg might be applicable to the explanation of urban governance in contemporary China.

In China, fires with numerous casualties in recent years had led to the development of fire safety codes for elderly nursing homes. The evacuation safety of the subject which conformed to pre-amendment codes was confirmed to be not ensured. To ensure the evacuation safety of the subject, smoke exhaustion systems must be installed in the fire room. In the natural smoke exhaust system, the opening area must be 1/20 of the floor area with an activation remotely or sequenced activation. In this case, the evacuation of the fire floor and the floor below the fire floor are also safe.

現在の中国は持続的な経済成長、環境保護、社会的安定の3つのバランスを維持する為の取り組みとして、純粋な経済成長のみに目を向けるのではなく社会的問題の解決にも優先順位を置くことに基づいた政治的イデオロギーを編み出した。中国社会では、国家構築の過程で経済成長を重視してきたが、それによって生じた社会的問題に対処する必要性が自明となったことで重要な転機を迎えている。中国に進出している日系企業は、中国市場における競争を優位に進めるために、このような政策への理解は欠かせない。また、中国社会の上記のようなイデオロギー的転換によって引き起こされた激変は日系企業にとってリスクが高い事象であることは疑いないが、同時に中国市場において日本企業がさらに成長し、より良い企業イメージを築く機会を提供しているともいえる。

そこで本稿では、このような状況下において、中国市場に進出する日系企業の戦略的課題が経済的な競争力の確保のみならず、環境保護や社会の安定的発展に向けた社会貢献であることを提示する。そのために、中国市場に展開する日系企業の社会貢献活動の実態を把握し、欧米企業の社会貢献活動と比較した上で、日系企業の社会貢献に関する問題点と今後の課題を明らかにする。これまで「非市場戦略」を推進するという観点からの中国市場における日系企業の研究では、社会貢献と中国の「和諧社会」の実現を結びつけた比較分析は殆ど行われておらず、この実証研究は数少ない考察の1つである。