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  • 東アジアの地域協力と安全保障
    伊藤 剛
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 135 号 11-23,L6
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Many observers have pointed out the need for a multilateral security discussion in East Asia. But since the diversity of the region underlies a latent potential for discord, there is also a widely-held pessimistic view that it will be difficult to realize a security arrangement amid the lack of any consensus that could serve to underpin its formation.
    On the new role of the U. S. -Japan security alliance, the 1997 new guidelines note in an item on “Various Types of Security Cooperation” that the “bilateral [Japan-U. S.] cooperation to promote regional and global activities in the field of security contributes to the creation of a more stable international security environment.” In other words, it is the new global role of the alliance and its complex functions that are being given particular importance. These functions include U. N. peace-keeping, international humanitarian relief operations and emergency relief activities in major disasters. They also include encouraging security dialogue, defense exchange, regional confidence building, as well as arms control and reduction-an alternative to focusing on the containment of an adversary.
    Despite the avowed importance of this new role, however, its logical and conceptual underpinning remains to be clearly laid out. During the Cold War, the existence of the enemy was clear, as was the objective of assuring the security of one's own country in opposition to it. But alliances can no longer be considered simply containment measures. Instead, they must be looked upon from the wider perspective of the pursuit of an institutional means of forming and maintaining a stable geopolitical environment through building confidence and mutual exchange among alliance members.
    Given that, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the potential roles for today's alliance in a security arrangement for the whole region. We will take into consideration issues related to managing the alliance, dilemmas associated with it and the related security structure, as well as the relationship between the alliance and the multipolar framework in which it exists.
    This paper begins with a clarification of the characteristics of post-Cold War international politics in East Asia, and the structural limitations they place on Japan. A discussion of the new role of the alliance follows, with a comparison between the significance of the concept of “cooperative security” during the Cold War and after it as it applies to the Japan-U. S. alliance. The third part of the paper specifies practical choices faced by alliance members as they endeavor to establish a “cooperative security” framework, as well as the conditions for valid “cooperative security”.
  • 勝田 俊輔
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 12 号 1994-1995
    発行日: 2002/12/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐古 麻理
    大阪経大論集
    2021年 72 巻 3 号 261-285
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/09/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本における定住外国人と国家への参画をめぐって
    鄭 暎恵
    法社会学
    1999年 1999 巻 51 号 22-32,294
    発行日: 1999/03/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are people who criticize the modern system of nation-states since it is out of to uch with reality in the time of globalization. The majority of those people are Japan-born Korean citizens who are descendants of migrants from the former Japanese colony but have no Japanese nationality.
    By asking to have voting rights for foreigners in municipal elections they are calling the notion of nation-states into question.
    (1) definition of nationals:
    Who should be regarded and included as nationals? Who should have rights and obligations in the nation-state?
    (2) the principle that sovereignty resides in the nationals:
    When nationals prevent foreign residents from having egual rights to theirs, nationality doesn't mean human rights but only privileges. Who can give it sufficient reason in the time of globalization?
    In this paper I look back on the history of argument about social contract which foreign residents have made with Japan since the Japanese colonial era. I also compare it with Korean's another movement to refuse obtaining voting rights not to be ruled by Japanese nationalism.
    Now many Japanese nationals think that foreign residents should be allowed to gain equal rights since they pay as much taxes as nationals. Japanese nationals also regard foreign residents as their companions after long living together. They realized that they had collaborative negotiation for long time already.
    Through this argument I analyze the historical meaning of rights in Japan.
  • 松園 伸
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 4 号 505-511
    発行日: 2003/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 波戸岡 景太
    アメリカ文学研究
    2005年 41 巻 53-69
    発行日: 2005/02/25
    公開日: 2017/09/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金子 幹夫
    経済教育
    2015年 34 巻 74-81
    発行日: 2015/09/26
    公開日: 2017/12/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 加藤 尚武
    環境経済・政策研究
    2008年 1 巻 1 号 35-42
    発行日: 2008/01/25
    公開日: 2021/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    自由主義経済が公正を保つには,自由競争を維持するための余剰が不可欠である.市場経済は,価格に関しては自動調整機能をもってはいるが,その機能は資源と廃棄物の総量を少なくする方向には働かない.石油国家では国民は他の国と比べて貧困である.その原因は,国家収益の配分が偏っているからであるが,国家の偏りを修正するような動きが石油国家ではおこりにくい.日本では,内閣が国民に対する指導性をほとんど失って,市場経済の内部から生まれてくる,エネルギー消費を増大さえようとする圧力を押さえることができない.近づいてくる危険に対処するだけの主体の形成に失敗しているという点では,資源のない日本と資源だけで生きている産油国が,同じ運命を担っている.

  • 佐古 麻理
    大阪経大論集
    2019年 70 巻 6 号 121-
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/04/04
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 宣教国家サウディアラビアの成立と変質
    中田 考
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 79-95
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.
    In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.
    Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.
    With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.
    Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.
    The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.
  • 浅見 政江
    日本EU学会年報
    2001年 2001 巻 21 号 173-191,259
    発行日: 2001/09/30
    公開日: 2010/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    European Integration is somewhat like a great patchwork and it is not so easy for the specialists to explain the outcome of the Integration as a whole. So many theorists of European Integration have much devoted their attention to the process of Integration, but now we should turn our eyes to the outcome of Integration, i. e., how is the EU governed. The EU is, of course, not the sovereign state, but now the EU successfully provides and maintains the political, economic and social order almost the same as the sovereign state. It is impossible to clarify the reality of EU through the theory of the government (or state), which is the traditional theory of politics. The reality of the EU could be investigated by the ‘governance’ theory, which is the different from the Global or international governance. European Governance, from my point of view, is analyzed through the four factors, (1) to create the order (to create or reform the basic treaty and the EU policy-making), (2) to maintain the order (judicial through the ECJ and administrative through the member states' government office), (3) the order is accepted by the people of the member states of the EU, (4) and they have the opportunity to refuse the order which the EU provides and maintains.
    With these four factors it would be possible to explicate the mechanism of the EU governance, however, the ambiguity of the legitimacy remains, or the ruler (EU) is not directly responsible to the governed people. The government theorists explain the relation between the ruler and the governed through the democratic legitimacy, but in the EU the legitimacy is not still guaranteed through liberal democracy. It is nothing to say that in the EU the legitimacy should be established, but the successful economic integration so far would shown consistent tendency to eliminate the democratic legitimacy because the most influential drive force of the integration was and is still the power dynamism of the member states and the power struggle between the supra-national EU Commossion and the member states.
    My result of the analyzing the problem of the EU legitimacy, it is turned out that the legitimacy of the EU is brought by the governd people's consent, for example, the basic-treay ratification and the national Refarendom on the treaty ratification. And it is also very important that the EP is democraticaly given the power to check and monitor the Commission and Commission members, i. e., the EP could have the opportunity to refuse the EU authority.
    So now the EU faces the political integration beyond the economic integration, it is inevitable for the EU to improve the level of ‘governance’ through consolidating the EU's political accountability for the EU citizen.
  • 中本 和彦
    社会科研究
    2009年 71 巻 21-30
    発行日: 2009/11/30
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 向山 直佑
    アジア経済
    2018年 59 巻 4 号 34-56
    発行日: 2018/12/15
    公開日: 2019/03/25
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    石油をはじめとする天然資源が民主主義を阻害するという「資源の呪い」に関する研究は,石油と民主主義の間に負の相関関係を見出す「資源の呪い」肯定論に対し,それを真っ向から否定する否定論,そして「呪い」は特定の場合にしか成り立たないとする条件論が修正を迫るという形で展開してきた。最近の研究では,「資源の呪い」には時間的・空間的な限定が付されるようになっており,これは一方で理論の精緻化に結びつくものではあるが,他方で歴史的,あるいは国際的な要因の軽視に繋がる危険性を孕んでいる。植民地支配から脱植民地化に至る期間にまで遡って分析の対象とし,かつ国際関係の影響に注目しつつ研究することで,資源と政治体制の間の因果関係のより的確な理解に近づくことができる可能性がある。

  • エスニシティとEU
    梶田 孝道
    国際政治
    1995年 1995 巻 110 号 1-22,L5
    発行日: 1995/10/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The rights of foreigners, including their right to vote in local elections, are expanding in the European Union as the integration of Europe not only allows people to freely travel across the borders in the region but also has brought about the new legal concept of European citizenship.
    Western Europe, however, has experienced an inflow and settlement of Asian and African immigrants and faces a serious problem concerning their social, economic and political rights. The purpose of this article is to explain the current status of the right of foreigners to vote in local elections in Western Europe and to generalize over the issue by comparing Western European countries with each other.
    The current status of suffrage of foreigners in local elections in Western Europe will be briefly discussed. The countries which have granted foreigners the right to vote in local elections include Sweden, Norway, Denmark and the Netherlands. The remains of colonialism can be seen in the United Kingdom's approach to the issue, because the country has vested citizenship and suffrage to people from the Commonwealth of Nations. Ireland has also granted foreigners the right to vote, while the country decides whether it grants foreigners suffrage based on the historical relations between the United Kingdom and the countries the foreigners are from. The suffrage of foreigners has not yet been granted in France and Germany which have attracted many foreign workers, of whom Asian and African immigrants and Muslims account for a large percentage, although the issue has aroused much controversy in the two countries. These examples clearly indicate that the situations surrounding each country affect its approach to the issue of the right of foreigners to vote in a subtle way.
    We will next examine a group of factors which enable countries to grant foreigners the right to vote and a group of factors which prevent them from doing so. The former group of factors includes the history of granting foreigners suffrage in a certain region, such as North Europe, a close relation between the former colonies and suzerains, the diplomatic policy of the country concerned (e. g. Sweden), free trade and the openness of the country. The latter group includes the ideology of a strong nation state (e. g. France), strong nationality (e. g. Germany), the ratio of foreigners to total population, a large cultural and religious distance between society which foreigners come from and society which accepts them (e. g. France and Germany) and the existence of a strong anti-foreigner movement.
    Next, the logic behind granting the suffrage to foreigners and the logic against it will be discussed, and based on this discussion, the reasons why some countries have granted foreigners the right to vote and why others have not will be examined. The experiences in Western Europe could offer many suggestions to Japan which is facing the problem of whether to grant foreigners the right to vote in local elections. The problem of the suffrage of foreigners tends to be discussed at the level of norms, and there is little discussion on the matter from a positive point of view, such as how foreigners will be granted the right to vote and how heavy their turnout will be. Japan will be able to learn many things from experiences of Western Europe concerning this problem.
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