Many observers have pointed out the need for a multilateral security discussion in East Asia. But since the diversity of the region underlies a latent potential for discord, there is also a widely-held pessimistic view that it will be difficult to realize a security arrangement amid the lack of any consensus that could serve to underpin its formation.
On the new role of the U. S. -Japan security alliance, the 1997 new guidelines note in an item on “Various Types of Security Cooperation” that the “bilateral [Japan-U. S.] cooperation to promote regional and global activities in the field of security contributes to the creation of a more stable international security environment.” In other words, it is the new global role of the alliance and its complex functions that are being given particular importance. These functions include U. N. peace-keeping, international humanitarian relief operations and emergency relief activities in major disasters. They also include encouraging security dialogue, defense exchange, regional confidence building, as well as arms control and reduction-an alternative to focusing on the containment of an adversary.
Despite the avowed importance of this new role, however, its logical and conceptual underpinning remains to be clearly laid out. During the Cold War, the existence of the enemy was clear, as was the objective of assuring the security of one's own country in opposition to it. But alliances can no longer be considered simply containment measures. Instead, they must be looked upon from the wider perspective of the pursuit of an institutional means of forming and maintaining a stable geopolitical environment through building confidence and mutual exchange among alliance members.
Given that, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the potential roles for today's alliance in a security arrangement for the whole region. We will take into consideration issues related to managing the alliance, dilemmas associated with it and the related security structure, as well as the relationship between the alliance and the multipolar framework in which it exists.
This paper begins with a clarification of the characteristics of post-Cold War international politics in East Asia, and the structural limitations they place on Japan. A discussion of the new role of the alliance follows, with a comparison between the significance of the concept of “cooperative security” during the Cold War and after it as it applies to the Japan-U. S. alliance. The third part of the paper specifies practical choices faced by alliance members as they endeavor to establish a “cooperative security” framework, as well as the conditions for valid “cooperative security”.

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　中学校公民的分野での財政単元学習内容は，「財政の仕組みと役割」「社会の公平性」「財政政策」「公債の発行」など，多岐にわたっている。そのため，学習者にとっては，それぞれの内容を関連づけて理解することが難しくなっている面がある。本稿では，そもそも「税」や「財政の役割」とは何か，「公平な税制度」を構築していくための視点にはどんなものがあるかなどを考察しながら，これからの財政政策を考える手がかりになる財政単元の授業案を提示する。

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There are people who criticize the modern system of nation-states since it is out of to uch with reality in the time of globalization. The majority of those people are Japan-born Korean citizens who are descendants of migrants from the former Japanese colony but have no Japanese nationality.
By asking to have voting rights for foreigners in municipal elections they are calling the notion of nation-states into question.
(1) definition of nationals:
Who should be regarded and included as nationals? Who should have rights and obligations in the nation-state?
(2) the principle that sovereignty resides in the nationals:
When nationals prevent foreign residents from having egual rights to theirs, nationality doesn't mean human rights but only privileges. Who can give it sufficient reason in the time of globalization?
In this paper I look back on the history of argument about social contract which foreign residents have made with Japan since the Japanese colonial era. I also compare it with Korean's another movement to refuse obtaining voting rights not to be ruled by Japanese nationalism.
Now many Japanese nationals think that foreign residents should be allowed to gain equal rights since they pay as much taxes as nationals. Japanese nationals also regard foreign residents as their companions after long living together. They realized that they had collaborative negotiation for long time already.
Through this argument I analyze the historical meaning of rights in Japan.

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Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.
In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.
Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.
With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.
Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.
The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.

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　本稿では，地方政府における産業廃棄物税と森林税という2つの新税導入の意思決定要因について，都道府県レベルの地方政府における知事・地方議会という政治的アクターの選好と両者を選出する選挙制度を結びつけたうえで，その選好が新税の導入にどのような影響をもたらすかについて議論する。

　本稿の分析からは，産業廃棄物税・森林税という2つの税が持つ性質が，首長または地方議会という選挙に直面する地方政治のアクターの選好と対応し，各地方政府における首長の再選可能性や地方議会自民党の優位性などの特徴が新税導入の意思決定に影響を与えていることが示される。このような新税導入の実証分析からは，地方分権改革によって地方政府の自律性が向上することで，同時に地方政府における政治的アクターにとっても，自らの利益につながる戦略的行動をとる余地が広がりつつあることが示唆される。

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The rights of foreigners, including their right to vote in local elections, are expanding in the European Union as the integration of Europe not only allows people to freely travel across the borders in the region but also has brought about the new legal concept of European citizenship.
Western Europe, however, has experienced an inflow and settlement of Asian and African immigrants and faces a serious problem concerning their social, economic and political rights. The purpose of this article is to explain the current status of the right of foreigners to vote in local elections in Western Europe and to generalize over the issue by comparing Western European countries with each other.
The current status of suffrage of foreigners in local elections in Western Europe will be briefly discussed. The countries which have granted foreigners the right to vote in local elections include Sweden, Norway, Denmark and the Netherlands. The remains of colonialism can be seen in the United Kingdom's approach to the issue, because the country has vested citizenship and suffrage to people from the Commonwealth of Nations. Ireland has also granted foreigners the right to vote, while the country decides whether it grants foreigners suffrage based on the historical relations between the United Kingdom and the countries the foreigners are from. The suffrage of foreigners has not yet been granted in France and Germany which have attracted many foreign workers, of whom Asian and African immigrants and Muslims account for a large percentage, although the issue has aroused much controversy in the two countries. These examples clearly indicate that the situations surrounding each country affect its approach to the issue of the right of foreigners to vote in a subtle way.
We will next examine a group of factors which enable countries to grant foreigners the right to vote and a group of factors which prevent them from doing so. The former group of factors includes the history of granting foreigners suffrage in a certain region, such as North Europe, a close relation between the former colonies and suzerains, the diplomatic policy of the country concerned (e. g. Sweden), free trade and the openness of the country. The latter group includes the ideology of a strong nation state (e. g. France), strong nationality (e. g. Germany), the ratio of foreigners to total population, a large cultural and religious distance between society which foreigners come from and society which accepts them (e. g. France and Germany) and the existence of a strong anti-foreigner movement.
Next, the logic behind granting the suffrage to foreigners and the logic against it will be discussed, and based on this discussion, the reasons why some countries have granted foreigners the right to vote and why others have not will be examined. The experiences in Western Europe could offer many suggestions to Japan which is facing the problem of whether to grant foreigners the right to vote in local elections. The problem of the suffrage of foreigners tends to be discussed at the level of norms, and there is little discussion on the matter from a positive point of view, such as how foreigners will be granted the right to vote and how heavy their turnout will be. Japan will be able to learn many things from experiences of Western Europe concerning this problem.

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