This article discusses the reason why information is not protected by rights of authors, from a historical viewpoint of the 1886 Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works and its revisions. My findings are as follows:

(1) Initially, information was in the public domain for all to use. However, protection of information under the Convention has been enlarged since the 1908 Berlin revision. Article 10^bis(1) of the 1971 Paris Act permits information to be protected, so that it causes the formation of the media conglomerates.

(2) The phenomenon can be explained from religion and law. The Berne Convention derives from the Roman Catholic view in France that literary and artistic works should be protected. The opposing view in Britain that information should be protected stems from work ethic of protestants. The British view was incorporated into Article 10^bis(1) of the Stockholm, Paris Acts.

(3) Because the media tend to monopolize information, the problem arises as to how free flow of information can be ensured. Now that America and Britain dominate the media industry, compulsory license to reproduce information should be established in the Berne Convention.

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本稿の目的は、いわゆる情報化が多文化主義あるいは多文化化を可能にする条件を検討することである。そのために、情報化とは何か、情報化された文化の特色について説明した後、その文化をリードする階層とメカニズム、支配される側の問題を指摘する。次に、多文化化と情報化の接点を探り、情報教育・エスニックメディア・機械翻訳などを具体的に分析する。そして、最後に、情報化は多文化化を本当に可能にするかを検討する。結論として、情報化は多文化化を支える条件にもなりうることを述べる。しかし、情報化は多くの可能性を持ちつつ、その運用は政治的・経済的条件により左右される。従来と異なるのは、同時には存在しにくかった、普遍主義・ナショナリズム・エスニシティの追求が、情報化により、並立するようになったことを指摘する。

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Since the end of 2010, a series of demonstrations have toppled some authoritarian regimes in power for decades in Arab countries, creating dramatic changes in the region’s political and social realms. The uprising began in Tunisia and quickly extended to other Arab countries, inspiring widespread protest movements that demanded political and economic reforms. This series of political upheavals is known as the Arab Spring. From the beginning of the Arab Spring, research has shown that the political role of the media was instrumental in mobilizing the masses and contributing to the defeat of the regimes. At the same time, the Arab Spring brought media reforms to the forefront of political transformations in the post-revolution period. Therefore, analysis of the media’s role in this era builds understanding of the transformation of politics in post-revolution societies. This paper consists of two parts. The first section examines the formation of repressive media systems in Arab countries that might have supported the continuance of Arab authoritarian regimes. This section also discusses how international affairs such as the Cold War and the debate on New International Information and Communication Order (NIICO) in UNESCO contributed to the formation of the repressive media systems in the region. In the 1990s, citizens began to criticize the Arab media as the development of new technologies, such as satellite television and internet, increased awareness. However, most Arab countries did not abandoned information regulations and continued to override the freedom of the media. The gap between information that citizens received from pro-governmental mass media and from satellite television and Internet widened. The Arab Spring emerged at the peak of this inconsistency. The second part of this paper reveals the transformation of the media systems following the Arab Spring. Particularly, this section analyses media in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. It examines how media reforms in those four countries differed from one another and how the expansion of the role of private media allowed it to act as a watchdog over regimes and contributed to democratization. However, this paper also shows that the media systems under authoritarian rules still remain and the structural problems seem to prevent the real reforms of media system in the post-revolution period. In addition, the expansion of private media also invited other concerns. Without the lack of proper regulation, most media outlets began to take partisan roles and instigate political conflicts. Therefore, this new media expansion without any public interest could ultimately be harmful to democratization.

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クリフォード・クリスチャンズのメディア倫理学は，ジャーナリストに代表されるコミュニケーション活動の担い手が，その活動を行う際に，指針とすべき規範を追究しようとするアプローチと，日々積み重ねられていくコミュニケーション活動の中で生じた諸事象を個別に分析していくアプローチとの二つのアプローチを取る．本論ではクリスチャンズの前者のアプローチを概観し出版倫理の視座を確認しようとするものである．

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