This paper examines the treatment of Genbaku-Dome and its site (Saiku-cho and Sarugaku-cho) in the Hiroshima Urban Reconstruction Plan and the Hiroshima Peace City Plan. The site of the Genbaku-Dome, initially included in Chuo Park (Motomachi), became a part of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park with Nakajima Park (Nakajima-honcho) at the time of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park and Peace Memorial Hall Competition. This paper also examines competition guidelines and competition plans, and evaluates Kenzo Tange and his colleague's plan and others' plan.

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Okinawa Hibakushas are atomic bomb survivors who returned to Okinawa after experiencing the bombing either in Hiroshima or Nagasaki. There were 348 people recorded as Okinawa Hibakusha in 1979, and the number decreased to 132 by the end of March 2019.

Okinawa Hibakushas have a different history from that of Hibakushas in the mainland of Japan. Okinawa Hibakushas had been neglected by the Japanese Government for approximately 20 years. Hiroaki Fukuchi published a book titled “A-bomb Survivors in Okinawa” in 1981. Almost no studies have been completed on Okinawa Hibakushas since Fukuchiʼs publication, thus requiring more research. The objective of this article is to reorganize the testimonies from interviews with Okinawa Hibakushas and reconsider the value of those testimonies.

Main findings from the interviews with three Okinawa Hibakushas were summarized into three points. First, they criticized not only the atomic bombing but also war and military conflict as a broader concept of violence. Second, the lawsuit established by Okinawa Hibakushas played a significant role in pioneering the activities by Hibakushas living outside of Japan. Extraordinarily, those who were under the U.S. control fought against them when mainland-Hibakushas were still struggling to obtain rights. Finally, inheritance of atomic bombing experiences is an urgent matter; its importance is emphasized in Okinawa and the mainland. Discourse on atomic bombing experiences in Okinawa used to be difficult, as their primary focus was on the Battle of Okinawa. Moreover, people of Okinawa have been segregated from their mainland counterparts. Therefore, bringing their voices to the mainland will further develop the discussion over Okinawa Hibakushas.

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The purpose of this study is to explore which school subjects might provide opportunities for kanji learning, which has traditionally been allocated to Japanese classes in various grades of elementary schools. In 1952, the Association for the Study of Kanji Learning presented guidelines to establish a standard for kanji selection. The guidelines stated that "If pupils need to learn some subject-specific kanji to enrich learning activities in other subjects, teachers should teach them in an appropriate manner." In the current education settings, the teaching of kanji has been practiced in Japanese classes. However, I believe that teachers should consider teaching kanji alongside other subjects, when appropriate. First, a subject corpus for kanji was created by examining all textbooks used in elementary schools in Japan. Then, data was analyzed using the likelihood ratio. As a result, it was found that such kanji characters as 権 and 憲 are specifically used in social studies, and such kanji characters as 値 and 縦 are used in arithmetic. Concerning these results, I would like to emphasize that cross-curriculum dimensions will lead to effective kanji learning among pupils. Therefore, this study will examine how teachers can actually apply the ideas mentioned above to their educational interfaces.

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大学アーカイブズは，必ずしも全ての大学に設置されているわけでないが，大学の個性に対応した形態をとり，その個性に相応する個人文書を所蔵している。反面，大学アーカイブズでは，これまで機関アーカイブズとして，当該機関の諸記録に目配りすることが忘失されがちであった。その点で，二室体制をとる広島大学文書館では，公文書管理法の政令指定機関となり，公文書の統一的管理を果たす一方，大学史資料室が個人文書を学術的資料として収集・整理・公開し，多様な個人文書を所蔵している。今後，アーカイブズは，全体として検証と底辺拡大の二方向を有しているが，課題は大きい。個人文書については，国立国会図書館憲政資料室，大学アーカイブズ，その他のアーカイブズとの連携による調査・研究機関が必要ではないだろうか。

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This article aims to examine as to how the public memory of “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” has been formed in the school education system and disseminated through history and sociology textbooks.

In the immediate postwar era, “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” was articulated as both the symbol of the unprecedented suffering endured by the Japanese people and their final defeat. This perspective, combined with many emotional stories of survival, appeared in numerous textbooks and museum exhibitions, resulting in the typical Japanese view that “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” was the nations’supreme sacrifice to end the war and thereby“making peace”. This view, in turn, brought us the conviction that as the only nation to have experienced a nuclear attack, Japanese people have the obligation and the right to pursue the world peace through the abolition of nuclear weapons.

This view, however, began to change in the 1980’s. The “history textbook issue” revealed their lack of awareness as the aggressor, resulting in fierce criticism from neighbor countries. In response to this criticism, the narrative in textbooks began to change and improved as outlined below.

Firstly, detailed descriptions of atrocities committed by the Japanese military increased remarkably, weakening the perception that “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” was a unique symbol of Japanese sacrifice. Secondly, vivid descriptions of the Great Tokyo Air Raids and the Battle of Okinawa also increased, further diminishing the tendency to particularize the damage of “Hiroshima and Nagasaki”. Thirdly, as textbooks began to present data quantifying war victims from around the world, the “mega-death” of A-bombs looked less remarkable. Lastly, the practice and theory of“Atomic Diplomacy” and “indiscriminate air raids” brought them the perspective that the A-bomb attack was not a disaster but the result of US wartime strategy.

While these changes in viewpoint came much too slowly and are still largely insufficient, the result is that “Hiroshima and Nagasaki” is now narrated more objectively and relatively in textbooks. These changes, however, while laudable, if taken too far, could cause a gradual decline in its presence and meaning.

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Hiroshima is very famous because it was the first city in the history of the world that was hit by an atomic bomb. The purpose of this paper is to explore the controversy over the conservation or demolition of the buildings damaged by the atomic bomb (the buildings A-bombed) in Hiroshima. There are two important agents concerned with this controversy. One is the local administration of Hiroshima City, which wants to remove these buildings. The other comprises a number of groups who want to conserve them. Through two significant controversies over the buildings A-bombed since the 1970s, I first examined the claims of the two conflicting sides and made it clear that these controversies are, in fact, spatial conflicts over “landscapes of the atomic bomb”.

1. The local administration has a spatial orientation that tries to contain the A-bombed memory and history in Hiroshima into a limited landscape of the atomic bomb, including the Atomic Bomb Dome as a “Symbol of Peace’’ and the peace memorial park around it. Atomic Bomb Dome was decided in 1966 to conserve in perpetuity, and, in 1996, it was registered on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

2. Conservation group advocates have insisted that landscapes of the atomic bomb must be established all over Hiroshima through an expansion of the example of the Atomic Bomb Dome.

I explain that the current controversies concerning the buildings A-bombed in Hiroshima are spatial conflicts between the local administration and conservation groups, and I point out that the Atomic Bomb Dome plays an important role in these controversies.

Second, I explored the historical moment when the administration’s orientation was formed by examining the period of recovery (1945-1952) from Second World War damage. I paid attention to important city plans for recovery in this period, and analysed two urban concepts which city planners were concerned with at that time. As a result, I revealed this point:

3. Two concepts were fitst, a “peace city’’ concept which contributed to the establishment of the bill for the construction of a peace commemorating city and second, an urban concept about modernization which formed the basis of the city planning for recovery. And both of them produced the peace memorial park around the epicenter. Then the Atomic Bomb Dome was positioned as an important component of the park and defined as the “the only one’’ building A-bombed in Hiroshima. This definition played a vital role in the fate of the other buildings which were A-bombed, because it meant that all of these, except for the Dome, would be excluded from both the processes of construction of a peace commemorating city and a modern city. I think this definition was the historical moment that led to the local administration’s current orientation.

Now, in face of the visible disappearance of other buildings except for the Atomic Bomb Dome, there has been an increase in the number of different voices on rethinking how Hiroshima should be in the future. I conclude that our historical-geographical imaginations of the history and memory affected by the atomic bomb are essential for rethinking the future of Hiroshima.

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In this paper, interviews and measurements were conducted to clarify the architectural characteristics of earth and stone masonry huts around Mihara City, Hiroshima Prefecture. The results showed that the huts were used for ash burning as a fertilizer for agriculture and for making compost. In many cases, stone pillars were used for fire and decay protection, and horizontal or vertical members were sometimes inserted inside the earth-stone masonry walls. Furthermore, the results were compared with previous studies that investigated the surrounding area to determine the regional characteristics of the plan shape and specifications of the earth-stone masonry walls.

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開局60年を迎えた教育テレビの番組をグループ分けして網羅的に見ていく「シリーズ 教育テレビ60年」。2回目は「趣味・実用番組」、「婦人・育児番組」、「教育教養講座」の変遷をみていく。教育テレビは、時間帯ごとに視聴対象を明確にするとともに、組織的・系統的な学習に役立ててもらうために、同一時間帯には同種の番組を編成してきた。「シリーズ 教育テレビ60年①」でとりあげた、「高校講座」や「語学番組」、『NHK放送文化研究所 年報2019第63集』でとりあげた「学校放送番組」とともに、「趣味・実用番組」や「教育教養講座」も平日の同時間帯に編成されてきた。 それぞれの番組グループの変遷をみると、「趣味・実用番組」は初期の『技能講座』や「おけいこ番組」に、総合テレビで放送されていた『きょうの料理』や『趣味の園芸』などが加わり、幅広い視聴者の興味や関心に対応してきた。「婦人・育児番組」は初期の『NHK婦人学級』が70年代に終了後、90年代からは育児をテーマとした番組として続いている。「教育教養講座」は、初期の『日曜大学』から80年代の生涯学習ニーズの高まりに対応した『NHK市民大学』を経て、知る楽しみを伝える番組に変化してきている。 それぞれの番組の内容の変遷とともに、放送時間帯の変化もみながら、NHK教育テレビが生涯学習社会に果たしてきた役割を考える。

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