目的：60歳代祖母による就学前の

常的な世話の状況の把握と疲労との関連を明らかにすることである．

方法：60歳代女性2,553人を対象に無記名自記式質問紙調査を実施した．調査項目は，対象者の属性，孫の世話の状況，蓄積的疲労徴候調査（以下，CFSIの8特性）であった．対象者を，「日常的な世話なし群」と「

常的な世話あり群（祖母）」の世話の状況別に，属性とCFSIの8特性の比較分析を行った．次に，常的な世話あり群（祖母）のCFSIの8特性に関連する要因の検討を単変量解析で検討した．

結果：回収率は36.5%（932人）であり，孫が誕生している者は46.2%（431/932人），就学前の

常的な世話をする者24.8%（231/932人）であった．孫の世話の状況別による対象者の属性，CFSIの8特性に有意な差はなかった．常的な世話あり群（祖母）のCFSIの8特性は，就労，腰痛，定期的外出，健康意識，世話の動機，育児方針の違い，世話による負担，世話をしている年数などと有意な差がみられた．

結論：祖母が孫の世話を継続していくためには，世話による負担への具体的支援の検討と，腰痛等の持病の改善と健康意識の向上に向けた支援の必要性が示唆された．

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本研究では，孫の発達につまずきがあるのではないかと感じている祖父母の孫や保護者に対する関わりと思いについて調査した．研究結果は，各事例について，家族背景，祖父母の孫や保護者に対する関わり，思い，孫の障害の情報を知る手段をまとめた．以上の結果をふまえて，祖父母が，発達障害の知識を持つ専門職より孫の障害の知識を得て，孫へ愛情を持って接し，現実を客観的に捉えるように努め，さらに保護者の精神的負担の軽減や良好な保護者との関係性の維持を願い，常生活の実際的な世話を担っていると考察した．また，祖父母は，孫や保護者に療育や教育などの関係機関との関わりを後押しし，保護者が相談できる場所を増やす促しをし，社会的支援を進め，相談ネットワークを多く持てるように願っていた．

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This paper aims to make clarify the meaning of the term shūzen 修善 when used by late Heian period (794–1185) aristocracy. I consider the term in Fujiwara-no-Michinaga’s 藤原道長 Midō kanpaku ki 御堂関白記 and Fujiwara-no-Sanesuke’s 藤原実資 Shōyū ki 小右記.

In these diaries, shūzen basically refers to carrying out esoteric Buddhist rituals (shūhō 修法) to acquire worldly benefits. Shūzen originally meant cultivating good acts (zengyō 善業). However, we can see that Heian period aristocrats thought that esoteric Buddhist rituals for worldly benefits were “good acts.” It also appears that during this time the meaning of the compound shūzen changed to include esoteric Buddhist rituals.

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本研究は高校生の孫が続柄の異なる祖父母とどのような関係にあるか明らかにすることであった。父方祖父 (n=79), 父方祖母 (n=103), 母方祖父 (n=85), 母方祖母 (n=100) のうちいずれか1人について, 祖父母の役割・機能を孫がどう意味づけるかについて検討した。孫が意味づける祖父母機能として,「伝統文化伝承機能」,「安全基地機能」,「人生観・死生観促進機能」の3つの因子が抽出された。祖父母の続柄による違いを孫の性別で検討した結果, 多くの項目で有意な交互作用が見出された。母方祖母は父方祖父母より, 孫娘から「伝統文化伝承機能」および「安全基地機能」を高く認知されることが明らかにされた。一方, 孫息子は孫娘より, 父方祖父の「伝統文化伝承機能」,「安全基地機能」, および「人生観・死生観促進機能」を高く評価した。これらの結果は, 母方祖母-孫娘というキンシップの存在だけでなく, 父方祖父-孫息子というキンシップ関係も存在することを示唆するものである。

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The life-time of Sakyamuni (SM) is usually calculated backward from the date of King Asoka's coronation, which has recently been determined, as I submitted, as 268 B. C. And the period from the Nirvana (Nv. death) of SM to the Asoka's coronation is to be pursued by the traditions, which are divided into two. I. The southern tradition (the trad. of Theravada of Ceylon, or of the Pali Buddhism) says that Asoka's coronation took place 218 years after SM's Nv., and that SM's Nv. falls on the year around 480 B. C. II. The northern trad. (the trad. of the mainland of India, westnorth-India, Tibet and of China, and of the sects of Sarvastivadin, of northern Theravada and Mahasamghika, and of Mahayana) says that the reign (not the coronation) of Asoka comes between more than 100 years and not more than 200 years after SM's Nv. Accordingly, as for the year of SM's Nv., there is a difference of, roughly speaking, 100 years between the southern and the northern trads.
Among those scholars who follow the northern trad., Prof. H. Ui regarded that Asoka's coronation had taken place 116 years after SM's Nv., and accordingly he concluded that SM's Nv. had occurred in 386 B. C. (he admitted that Asoka's coronation had taken place in 271 B. C.) Since then, some of the scholars of Japan followed his theory, and I also did until a few years ago. But now I have reconsidered the matter.
Prof. Ui interpreted“116 years after SM's Nv.”in Chinese Shih-papu-lun and Pu-chih-i-lun, as the year of coronation of King Asoka, but this must be corrected. If one consider the meaning of the Title of those texts (Skt. Samayabhedavyuhacakra), one must interpret the sentence otherwise: i. e.“116 years after the Nv.”meant the year when the first schism of Buddhism occurred.
Now, here is another problem to be considered: If the Ist schism had occurred during the reign of Asoka, the King would have spoken somewhat about the schism, an awful event to the King as well as to the Buddhism, in his many edicts, inscribed during the period from the 10th to the 27th year of his coronation. But, nothing was inscribed about the Ist schism in those edicts. Therefore, the schism must have occurred at a certain time between the 28th year (241 B. C.) and the end of his reign (232 B. C.). And, if the schism occurred 116 years after SM's Nv., the coronation of Asoka should have taken place in the year of 90 years after SM's Nv. Then it contradicts most of the traditions which tell that Asoka's reign started more than 100 years after SM's Nv. Thus, I suspect if the document itself be trustworthy.“116 years”must be the miss copy of“160 years”, judging from the records of Yuan Ed. and Ming Ed. of Pu-chih-i-lun and also of Tib. Bhavya's Ist tradition mentions“160 years”after the SM's Nv.
In conclusion, I propose that SM's Nv. must be placed between 401 (241+160) and 392 (232+160) B. C., in other words, I take c. 400 B. C. as the year of SM's Nv. According to most of the traditions, SM died aged 80. My conclusion is that SM's life-time was c. 480-400 B. C., and his active life was the latter half of 5ct. B. C. This chronicle shows that SM's Nv. was about 80 years later than that of the southern trad. and about 20 years earlier than that of Prof. Ui's.

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本研究では，ダイアドデータの特性を活かしたマルチレベル・アプローチを用いることによって，祖父母から親への育児支援頻度および祖父母と親の回答が一致しない要因を検証することを目的とした。関東と関西の都市部に居住する親（G2）とその祖父母（G1）186組が回答したデータを同時にモデル化することにより，ダイアド内の相互依存性および測定誤差を考慮しつつパラメータ推定した。その結果，祖父母側ではなく親側の要因によって育児支援頻度が規定されることが明らかになった。つまり，支援する側の年齢，時間的余裕，経済状況，健康状態にかかわらず，支援される側の需要の大きさによって育児支援頻度が増加していた。具体的には，1）G2の年齢が若い，2）G2の学歴が高い，3）G2の夫婦ともにフルタイムで就労している，4）G2の主観的健康観が低い，5）G2の援助関係満足度が高い，6）G1とG2が同居もしくは歩いて15分程度の距離に居住している，7）G3が男の子もしくは男きょうだいのみの場合に，祖父母からの支援をより頻繁に受けていた。祖父母と親の回答が一致しない要因は援助関係満足度と居住距離のみ有意であった。平均的に，親にくらべて祖父母の方が支援頻度を過小評価する傾向があり，援助関係に満足するダイアドおよび近距離別居するダイアドほど支援頻度に対する回答が一致しなくなっていた。

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This paper examines what kind of political and social factors set the basic pattern of Fiji's ethnic relations between indigenous Fijians, local Europeans and Indian immigrants, under British rule. The paper also suggests common determinants of ethnicity in multi-ethnic societies of a tripartite structure composed of indigenous people, colonisers and labour immigrants, by comparing the Fijian case with the conditions in Hawaii and Malaya (Malaysia).
In Fiji, despite the lack of attention by scholars to the period before the 1960s, the re-organisation of the ‘native administration’ from 1943 to 1948 by the colonial government played the decisive role in intensifying ethnic divisions. The de facto architect of the re-organisation was a Fijian chiefly elite with British education, enjoying the confidence of the colonial government. Curbing the British officials' progressive intention to bring Fijians towards modern forms of self-government, he enforced a rather retrograde policy to keep Fijians within traditional village communities, away from the influence of other ethnic groups and urban Fijians. He managed to justify this isolation by emphasising the Indian threat to the Fijians.
This separatist scheme persisted through decolonisation and independence in 1970, despite criticism from the indigenising faction of European settlers, liberal urban Fijians, and some of the British officials who saw multi-racialism as a step towards stable self-government.
The comparison with Hawaii and Malaya points to the significance of the following factors in determining patterns of ethnic relations: numerical balance between ethnic groups, including 40% line of immigrant population as a crucial border; influence of the indigenising Europeans and people of mixed parentage (ex. Part-Europeans) as possible ethnic mediators; intra-ethnic leadership and legitimacy of the indigenous elites, as well as ‘inertia of the colonised mass’; colonical land-reservation policy and ‘sons-of-the-soil’ sentiment against immigrants; and war efforts as an allegiance test for immigrants.
This paper is an attempt to shed light on the effects of colonisation and decolonisation on the patterns of ethnic relations in such tripartite multi-ethnic societies as mentioned above, especially the relations between indigenous people and immigrants introduced by colonisers.

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China is undergoing a dramatic social transformation, and peasants leaving the agriculture and leaving the rural areas has become a common phenomenon. However, since Chinese peasants are considered embedded in the small peasant economic system, this phenomenon is only one cross-section now. Therefore, based on the life stories of peasants from inland farming villages in China, this study attempts to decipher the stereotyped image of peasants from their own perspective. In addition, it examines the inner struggles and autonomous choices of peasants who have maintained farming as much as possible in response to social transformations. Consequently, current livelihoods exhibit synchronic diversity. In addition, diachronic fluidity is evident, in which peasants adapt to their family’s livelihood situation as they live through constant changes throughout their lives. However, they maintain the unchanging core of farming. This is a characteristic of a period of social transition. Farming is the way of life of the peasants and is inseparable from the lives of Chinese peasants themselves, which differs from agriculture.

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