407年開設された釜山倭館は, 龍頭山を中心とした地域一帯に1677年4月に移館・新築された。この草梁倭館が日本専管居留地に開放され, この時すでに龍頭山上には彼らによって神社が営まれていた。総督政治になると, 神社参拝強要に代表される皇民化政策によって, 神社境内外は拡張され神域化されていく。神社と公園の併立といった考え方は変わり,「神社と公園の並立は不可」となった。そのためか, 神社創建と並行して造成された公園のすべてが, 特に都心に位置する公園としての機能を失い, 韓国人には嫌われるものとなった。公園内の神社建築の殆どが, 韓国独立と同時期に, 市民の手によって破壊されていったのは当然なことと言える。

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In my book The Status System in Ancient China -Liang and Jian, I argued that the legal statuses called liangren ("good people") and nubi (slaves) appeared during the Three Kingdoms period in the 3rd century. On the contrary, Prof.Kawamoto asserted that the above statuses appeared under the Northern Wei dynasty in the 5th century in his essay printed in Shigaku-Zasshi vol.XCVI no.12. The aim of this paper is to refute his view. In fact, Prof.Kawamoto's opinion can already be seen in the article of Prof.Isamu Ogata. Therefore this paper criticizes mainly the historical materials used by Prof.Ogata. As a result, I have shown that the materials do not prove the appearance of the new statuses, but demonstrate the way of solving lawsuits concerning the statuses of people after the disorder caused by the barbarian invasions and the famine. This paper also argues that the word liangren, meaning common people, had already become popular under the Han dynasty, and that after its fall, that is during the Three Kingdoms period, the legal statuses of liangren and nubi were established. The idea that nubi, or jianren ("humble people") were the property of liangren was also established after that period.

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It has been thought that during the Muromachi Period, the "king of Japan" (the Muromachi Bakufu shogun) did not have exclusive authority over diplomatic relations with foreign countries. Diplomacy with Korea was carried out on a so-called "pluralistic" basis not only by the "king of Japan" but also by such powerful families in western Japan. as the Ouchi and Tsushima-So clans and by powerful provincial feudal lords residing in the capital and calling themselves "ministers of the capital" (ojo-daijin -王城大臣). However, we find source materials dated 1470 that confirm the existence of not only a number of embassies representing these "ministers of the capital" but also "pseudo-embassies representing the king of Japan," bring up the question of what constituted an "authentic" Japanese diplomatic mission. In this paper, the author examines whether or not we can confirm in the available Japanese sources if there actually were persons whose names were used for the purpose of conducting diplomatic missions; and if so, what similarities and differences did they possess ? The author was able to confirm only one case of an authentic, official embassy in the name of such persons, the diplomatic mission representing minister of the capital Sabuei Yoshiatsu sent in 1431. All the other cases found, beginning in 1455, were pseudo-missions carried out through the cooperation of merchants in Hakata and Tsushima. Furthermore, in order to stop these pseudo-embassies in the names of ministers of the capital and the king of Japan, Japan and Korea set up a system of diplomatic certification called the gafu 牙符 system, which eventually brought about the disappearance of minister of the capital diplomatic missions in the early sixteenth century. The significance such facts have for studying international relations in medieval Japan is twofold. First, they call for the reevaluation of the boom that occurred in sending diplomatic missions to Korea during the time. This "diplomaticboom," which lasted from the late 1460s to the early 1470s, was a phenomenon that saw a flood of embassies to Korea from Japan in the wake of storied concerning auspicious Buddhist omens occurring in the Choson Dynasty. This boom has been studied mainly from the aspect of how the diplomats responded to this phenomenon: that is, their view of korea at the time. However, the author has, made clear that the nucleus of this diplomatic boom was minister of the capital embassies that flocked to Korea in 1470; and given the fact that all of these missions were pseudo-embassies, any discussion of what the general view of Korea was at the time becomes moot. Rather, an attempt should be made to understand this diplomatic boom in terms of pseudo-embassies that took advantage of the political confusion in the capital region during the Onin era civil wars from the standpoint of how these impostor diplomats viewed Japan at the time. Secondly, with regard to the heretofore vague definition of Japan-Korean diplomacy as being pluralistic in character, the author argues that his research has shown clearly that "diplomatic sovereignty" in Muromachi Japan was concentrated in the hands of the "king of Japan," based on firm shogunal authority in the capital region within the framework of relationships between the Bakufu and its provincial magistrates (shugo 守護). In other words, in practice a central core existed called "Muromachi bakufu foreign diplomacy". This discovery has finally made possible a Comprehensive understanding of international relations under Japan's medieval state institutions that goes beyond the mere categories of Japan-Choson and Japan-Ming relations.

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The purpose of the present paper is to investigate the political relations between Korea and diplomats from the western region of Japan from 1390 to 1470, when Japanese-Korean international relations were most extensively developed. By this analysis two points can be clarified as follows. 1)The diplomatic relations between two countries during the time in question possessed both sufficient substance and formality, which can be difined as the "Korean diplomatic order." 2)While diplomats from western Japan regarded Korea as a great world power, the Koreans did regard Japan as a country of less importance. The process of proving these two points can be described as follows. First, the famous Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea (海東諸国紀), a document describing working relations between diplomats of two countries, is a work which expresses an ideal of alienage of Japan from the viewpoint of Korea and extracts the actual foundation of this ideal from diplomatic relations. The characteristics of diplomatic relations during this period can be expressed as the ceremonial position of Japanese diplomats as seen by the Korean side and mediated through an order of status within the Korean bureaucratic system. We can explain further as following : 1)messengers dispatched to Korea by Japanese diplomats were treated according to the Korean bureaucratic code in Korean Court decorum ; and 2)Japanese diplomats themselves were also given status ranked by Korean bureaucrats who could directly send and receive diplomatic documents. We may conclude that ceremonial position of Japanese Imperial Messengers was relatively low and that, since all diplomats to Korea formed relations on personal basis, they could be on an equality with Korean side. Rather, they found themselves in various kinds of subordinate relations to the Korean Court. All diplomats from outside had to observe the Korean state order in termes of obligation. Instead diplomats were given guarantees from Korea concerning their economic interests and activities. As a result of the widespread formation of such subordinate relations, there may have developed the idea of Korea as a great world power of the times. Certainly such an idea have been arisen among those who depended upon East Asian sea commerce. And when favorable conditions came about in Korea between 1466 and 1471, many diplomatic messengers were sent to Korea basing on such an idea. The above research indicates that the "Korean-centrism" expressed in the Chronicles of Countries to the East of the sea was supported by the actual diplomatic contacts. It is in this sense that the present paper is able to criticize, in part, the conventional view of an East Asian world which over-emphasizes international relations centered around China and underestimates the political importance of relations between other countries within this sphere. It may be expected that this paper expresses the necessity of survey from many points of view in terms of foreign contacts in the medieval East Asia.

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本稿は,海上の船だけをその居住とし,主に漁業を営みながら生活してきた船世帯民の歴史を,彼らの陸地との関係から再構成してみることを目的としている。その方法としては,まず,船世帯民と陸地民との関係を,「政治-陸地権力との力関係」と「経済-交換システム」というキーワードを用いて分析していく。また,近代における船世帯民の「陸地定着」という大きな「出来事」を境目とし,全体を「定着」以前と以後とに分けて考察する。そして結論として,船世帯民の「陸地定着」が近代国家の形成や市場経済システムの拡大と共に急激に進められる一般的傾向であることは認めながらも,一方では,今日もなおかつ船世帯生活を行い続けている漁民が少なからず存在していることや,彼らの多くが近代以降「新しく形成され」たことを明らかにすることによって,「定着」とは時代を生きる「選択=戦略(ストラテジー)の一つにすぎないことを示す。

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1876年の開国以降, 欧米の公園に関する情報が国内にかなり伝えられ, 韓国々内でも居留地内に最初に公園が造成され始めた。複雑な社会・政治状況に影響され, 居留民・独立協会・韓国政府によって公園が造成されていったが, 公園造成は制度化されることなく, 日本の植民地になった。日本人居留民にとって, 神社保護のために整備された境内外そのものは公園地であった。韓国政府によりパゴダ公園が造成されたものの, 造成から約13年が経過した19.3年から一般市民の平日入園が達成された。特に, 独立公園と仁川各国居留地内に造成された自由公園は, 最初から市民或は居留民のために造成された近代的な意味の公園として評価される。

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An impotant intermediary role was played by monks of the Zen sects in foreign relations during late medieval Japan. It has already been pointed out by MURAI Shosuke that during the Muromachi era the five main Zen temples (Gozan 五山) functioned as a veritable "foreign ministry." However, looking at diplomacy as the Bakufu noticeably weakened during the sixteenth century, it is also necessary to focus on other Zen sects who became very active in foreign affairs. In this article, the author investigates the Genju 幻住 School of the Rinzai Zen Sect and its dirlomatic activities in the pan-China Sea region of Asia, focusing on Shofukuji Temple in Hakata, which had adopted the canon of the Genju School's Muinka 無隠下 Faction at that time. The Muinka Faction was in very close contact with Ankokuji on the island of Iki, a temple that was active in foreign relations and an important part of Shofukuji's diplomatic network. It was the Ouchi 大内 family that took advantage of Zen sect diplomacy like the kind carried out at Shofukuji. It utilized both Gozan and non-Gozan networks, resulting in monks belonging to both the Soto and Rinzai Sects coming under its control. It was under such circumstances that Koshinsekitei 湖心碩鼎, pupil of Ikkasekiyu 一華碩由 of the Genju School's Enkeika 遠渓下 Faction, appeared advocating the unification of the Soto, Genju and Daito Sects in a complete missan 密参 form. At the same time, he inherited the canon of the Genju School's Muinka 無隠下 Faction, that was deeply involved in foreign relations and took charge of the Ouchi family's diplomatic affairs, looking after the Genju faction within the diverse religious factions under that family and building a staff of diplomatic personnel for himself. Many well-known diplomat/monks, including Nihogenyu 耳峰玄熊 and Shogakuteiko 嘯岳鼎虎, came from the Genju School that was tied so closely to the Ouchi family's widespread foreign activities, while as the same time affiliating themselves with the 0ryo 黄龍 School of Min' anyosai 明庵栄西, the founder of shofukuji, and rebuilding the temple from ruin after the turbulence of the Warring States era. Genju faction's sphere of activities included formed a broad network spanning Ming China, Korea and the Ryukyu Islands. Particularly, after the fall of the Ouchi family, the island of Tsushima 対馬 in the Genju faction network became the main organ for trade and diplomacy with the Korean peninsula.

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