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  • 許 衛東
    経済地理学年報
    1987年 33 巻 3 号 200-215
    発行日: 1987/09/30
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 有木 宗一郎
    ソ連・東欧学会年報
    1983年 1983 巻 12 号 107-114
    発行日: 1983年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 企業管理の第3の制度
    工藤 市兵衛
    日本経営診断学会年報
    1985年 17 巻 123-136
    発行日: 1985/10/25
    公開日: 2010/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 名古屋大学出版会 2003年 ix+239pp.
    木村 公一朗
    アジア経済
    2004年 45 巻 1 号 60-64
    発行日: 2004/01/15
    公開日: 2023/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 伸幸
    林業経済研究
    2018年 64 巻 3 号 8-15
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/03/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    歴史社会学などで近年発展の著しい「人の移動」研究の蓄積を踏まえ,大学卒業者名簿,学会名簿,引揚者記録等の史資料を手掛かりとして,森林技術者の外地からの引揚・復員と戦後林業・林政の関係を考察した。第1に,森林技術者の引揚・復員に大きな役割を果たした「外林会」の実態について,戦後日本林業・林政への影響のあったことを明らかにした。第2に,森林技術者の引揚・復員と戦後林業・林政の関係を考察するため,学会名簿,卒業者名簿を用い,数量的把握を行った。その結果,1) 林学会員2割強が戦中期に外地勤務であり,大正期卒管理職と昭和期卒若手の大きく2グループに分かれていたこと,2) 昭和期卒外地経験者の外地赴任先,戦後就職先は学校ごとに特色があること,3) 戦後,昭和期卒外地経験者の多くが林業関係の教育機関,行政に就業したこと,が見出された。
  • 阿部 治平
    経済地理学年報
    1978年 24 巻 1 号 19-31
    発行日: 1978/05/20
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 6 号 1071-1095
    発行日: 1978/06/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 農業統計調査の試みとその挫折
    松村 史穂
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 4 号 74-90
    発行日: 2007/10/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is generally agreed that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) experienced a rapid increase in agricultural output between 1949 and 1952. Foreign economists, however, often point out that official statistics on agriculture in the early period of the PRC are not accurate, but this argument is based on comparisons of statistical figures from the PRC with those from the Republic of China, and figures from the Republic of China are by no means reliable either. It is therefore impossible to examine the agricultural conditions of the time simply by a comparison of statistics.
    The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the campaign of land acreage measurement and crop yield assessment (cha tian ding chan gong zuo), which was the first agricultural statistical survey performed by the PRC, and to analyze the conditions of agricultural statistics at the time.The purpose of the campaign of the land acreage measurement and crop yield assessment was to acquire the information necessary to determine agricultural taxation. It improved the conditions for statistical surveys and revealed several pieces of hidden land, and from 1950 to1952, and especially in 1952, the figures for land acreage and crop yield increased remarkably.However, a considerable gap emerged between figures from before the campaign and after, which prompted the authorities to adjust the earlier figures and inflate them on the basis of the later figures. Although the great increase in agricultural output has been emphasized by Chinese scholars, the degree of the increase has in fact been exaggerated.
    The campaign was suddenly suspended in spring 1953, even though the authorities had at first planned for it to be a long-term project. Deng Zihui, who had played a leading role in the land reform, actively pushed for the abolition of the campaign, because it seemed to deny altogether the results of a land survey conducted for the land reform; he also feared the campaign would incur dissatisfaction among farmers through an increase in agricultural taxation. In August 1953, the campaign was officially given a judgment of disapproval by the authorities, which has not been overturned until now.Termination the campaign has made people oblivious to the fact that the increase in statistics on agricultural output in the early period of the PRC was partly the result of an improvement in the accuracy of statistical surveys.
  • 塚瀬 進
    社会経済史学
    1992年 58 巻 3 号 313-338
    発行日: 1992/09/25
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper analyzes the relations between agricultural development and the construction of railways in Northeast China in the 20th century. The construction of the Chinese-Eastern Railway stimulated the cultivation of land along the lines and increased the speed of migratidn. Although the situations of agriculture in Northeast China were affected by various elements including her geographical conditions, the key determinant of the development of agricultural prodution was the construction of the railways. They promoted the influx of immigrants from North China, which played a critical role in the expansion of farmland. Given the conditions of farming technology at that time, it was the only way to increase the agricultural production. At the same time, the demand for soybeans in the world market experienced unprecedented growth in the export volume, which together with above stated escalation of the immgrants, generated an upsurge of total agricultural production in Northeast China. However, the conditions of agricultural production varied according to localities, that is, it was not limited to the monoculture of soybeans. This paper divides Northeast China into seven districts in accordance with railway networks and examines the features of agricultural conditions in each district. The growth of soybeans production, for example, was found mainly in newly cultivated lands along the Chinese-Eastern Railway, not in old, agricultural regions along the South Manchuria Railway. As noted above, the increase in agricultural production was only possible through the expantion of clativated land. The areas along the South Manchuria Railway could not fulfill this condition since they lack frontier land. This remained unchanged throughout the Manchukuo era until the 1960s when agricuitural technology improved.
  • その歴史的考察
    駒井 正一
    人文地理
    1972年 24 巻 1 号 1-37
    発行日: 1972/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久保 亨
    土地制度史学
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 20-39
    発行日: 1986/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper offers some new insights into the development of the Chinese cotton industry in the 1920s and the 1930s. According to the text books on Chinese modern economic history published in China, it is said that Chinese-owned cotton mills always faced difficulties during this period because of problems with their own management and competition from Japanese-owned cotton mills established in China. This point of view is not quite true, or at the least, there exist important excepsions. Actually it has been impossible for many economic historians to examine primary sources of the management of Chinese cotton mills. And this is one of the main reasons why the development of the Chinese cotton industry has been misunderstood in the past. Now the condition has began to change. We can use a series of documents on the management of several cotton mills including Shenxin, Yong'an, Huaxin, Yuxua, and so on. By means of the analysis of the management, this paper tries to make clear the regional differences of the development of the Chinese cotton industry and compare some kinds of the types of the management. The results are as follows. (1) We can find out two regions where the Chinese cotton industry was well developed. On one hand, using lots of foreign raw cotton and selling cotton goods to the nationwide market, Chinese-owned cotton mills in Shanghai enjoyed good business results. On the other hand, Chinese-owned cotton mills located in the inland also earned large profits because they could easily buy cheap raw cotton and sell their products in rural markets. (2) Some of Chinese-owned cotton mills performed favorble management, while others did not. We can point out that the actions of management, the power of management against stockholders, and the power to raise capital highly differentiated the business results of each of the cotton mills.
  • 人文地理
    1966年 18 巻 2 号 176-206
    発行日: 1966/04/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 人文地理
    1970年 22 巻 2 号 191-228
    発行日: 1970/04/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
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