本稿は、中世ブラバントの神秘思想家ヤン・ファン・リュースブルクを取り上げ、異端的言説へ向けた彼の批判を検証しつつ、<神と人間との一致>というテーマに対する彼独自のスタンスについて考察する。彼は、教会教義に抵触する仕方で<神と人間との一致>を主張する言説を、その著作『十二人のベギンたち』において批判する一方で、別の著作『解明の小書』においては、自らの説く<一致>理解を教会教義に即して正当化している。同じく<一致>を唱えたドイツの神秘思想家マイスター・エックハルトの諸教説が、によって排斥された出来事(一三二九年)の影響下で、リュースブルクはこのテーマをカトリック教義の礎石の上に再構築し、正統的信仰と神秘主義的真理とを共に護ろうとしたのではなかったか。本稿は、こうした彼の意図をテクスト分析によって取り出し、<エックハルト後>の時代におけるリュースブルクの位置を明らかにする。

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In the county of Barcelona during the age of the Gregorian Reform, the relationship between the Count of Barcelona and the Church was transformed both in form and in substance. At some church councils, it was decided that the Church should revive the right of clerical investiture. Consequently, bishops, who had been elected exclusively from upper aristocratic families, like those of counts or viscounts, could now be chosen from middle or lower aristocratic families. There are three reasons which enabled such a change. The first is the cooperation received from the Count of Barcelona. Counts of the age were trying to reestablish their relations with the Church in the role of protectors and collaborators. Secondly, in Catalonia of the age exisled social circumstances which are tavorable for the change in the form of rising middle or lower aristocratic families. Thirdly, there exisled the political interest of the Count of Barcelona, who needed the Pope's friendship to carry out his war against the Muslims. Therefore, the bishoprics were removed from the Count's control in Barcelona without any conflict between the secular ruler and the clergy, but rather with the ruler's cooperation. It was inevitable that such changes would bring about a transformation of the political system, in which bishops had played a more important role. First, it took place the secularization of the Count's rule over the county : for example, some rights of a bishopric were transferred to the Count's seneschal, and the relationship between the Count and one viscount of the region was reinforced. Secondly, although upper aristocratic families lost their exclusive influence over the bishoprics, the Count did not lose his influence over the bishoprics, by holding on to his right to confirm the investiture of the bishop elect. Thirdly, through the authority of the Count over bishoprics in charge of personal affairs regressed, it appeared the policy of the Count to make use of church councils by exercising his authority as the protector of the Church. In this way, a new political order was being born in the county of Barcelona in the form of a regression to direct control over the bishoprics by the Count's family.

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A l'aide de l'analyse de divers rites, nous voudrions eclairer les caracteristiques de deux eglises majeures dans le Bordeaux medieval la cathedrale Saint-Andre et l'eglise du patron de la ville: Saint-Seurin. Saint-Seurin fut fonde dans l'Antiquite tardive comme chapelle attenante au cimetiere chretien extra muros. A partir du XII^e siecle, grace a ses reliques, cette eglise devint l'un des grands sanctuaires sur la route de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle. Saint-Andre, construit intra muros, obtint le titre de cathedrale au IX^e siecle mais ne conservait pas de reliques qui suscitent la veneration du peuple. Ainsi, tandis que l'eglise Saint-Seurin etait caracterisee par les pouvoirs du saint, l'autorite de Saint-Andre etait en grande partie fondee sur son titre, qui etait respectable sur le plan hierarchique. Et ce contraste entre les deux sanctuaires est lie, comme nous le verrons plus loin, a celui de leur emplacement. Non seulement pour les pelerins proprement dits mais aussi pour les habitants de la ville, aller a Saint-Seurin extra muros etait un petit "pelerinage" au cours duquel on quittait son milieu ordinaire pour un autre, domine par le saint investi de la justice de Dieu. C'est pourquoi, les Bordelais y priaient, y emmenaient des malades et y pretaient le serment d'innocence. Cependant, a l'inverse de ces rites populaires, les entrees solennelles et serments (pour la prise de fonction ou le respect des privileges de la ville) des dignitaires avaient souvent lieu a Saint-Andre. Lors de la ceremonie de prise de fonction des jurats, representants des habitants, ceux-ci pretaient le serment dans les deux eglises; a l'entree du nouvel archeveque, le prelat, meme s'il passait d'abord une nuit a Saint-Seurin, berceau du christianisme de la ville, s'iristallait finalement a la cathedrale bien entendu; quant aux seigneurs laiques, bien que les comtes de la region avant le XII^e siecle aient fait leur "sacre" dans le sanctuaire de leur patron, presque tous les rois et princes qui vinrent a Bordeaux entre le XIII^e et le XVI^e siecle preterent le serment a Saint-Andre. Ce qui est important dans ces serments a la cathedrale, ce n'est pas l'aspect de l' "ordalie" devant Dieu que l'on trouve dans les rites a Saint-Seurin, mais la publicite du voeu "devant le peuple". En meme temps, ces ceremonies publiques prirent de plus en plus l'aspect de "fete" de la ville. Dans la perspective du "petit pelerinage au sanctuaire extra muros", la ville est percue comme une Babylone que l'on doit abandonner; au contraire, quand on reconnait l'autorite du sanctuaire intra muros, la ville est une Jerusalem ou l'on attend la venue du Messie. Ces attitudes, tout en s'opposant l'une a l'autre, coexisterent pendant tout le Moyen Age.

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La Riforma ha avuto una importante influenza sulla situazione religiosa nell' Italia del Cinquecento. L'idea venuta d'oltralpe passata attaraverso Venezia costrinse la Chiesa Romana a confermare la propria dottrina ed a mettere in ordine il sistema del controllo delle idee. Nel corso della Controriforma apparvero "gli eretici". Bernardino Ochino (1487-1564) e valutato "il piu importante dei riformatori italiani" da Delio Cantimori, autore di Eretici italiani del Cinquecento (1939). Ochino appartenne all'ordine dei Francescani Osservanti, poi a quello dei Cappuccini ed ebbe fama in tutta l'Italia come grande predicatore. Pero col tempo la Chiesa comincio a sospettare che Ochino diffondesse l'idea della Riforma mediante la sua predicazione. Nel 1542 quando Ochino fu convocato dall'Inquisizione Romana, lascio l'Italia e ando a Ginevra. Questo articolo sulla vita e la fede di Ochino e un tentative di mettere in luce una fase della storia della Chiesa in un periodo pieno di fermento. Prima della Riforma protestante ci fu il movimento riformatore cattollico, cosidetto Riforma cattolica. A partire dal pontificate di Paolo III(1534), questo movimento cambio e divenne di carattere generale la cui iniziativa fu presa dal papa e gradualmente divenne meno tollerante e piu esclusivo con i dissidenti religiosi. Fu l'Inquisizione Romana istituta nel 1542 con la bolla Licet ab initio che simbolizzo questa tendenza oppressiva della Chiesa. A quel tempo l'Italia era divisa in stati e ducati, ma dopo l'istituzione di questa organizzazione, si pote svolgere il proveddimento unificato contro gli eretici. Sembra che ci siano due ragioni perche Ochino fu convocato a Roma. Una dipende dal suo rapporto personale, soprattutto, con il mistico spagnolo, Juan de Valdes (1500-41). Valdes formo un circolo umanistico a Napoli e presento l'idea d'oltralpe agli intelettuali italiani. Nel 1536 quando Ochino predico a Napoli, conobbe Valdes. Tramite lui Ochino ebbe l' opportunita di avvicinare le opere di Erasmo, Lutero, Calvino, ecc. Per questo rapporto l'Inquisizione considero l'ortodossia di Ochino sospettosa. La seconda ragione era che Ochino era un predicatore popolare. La predicazione funzionava efficacemente come mezzo per trasmettere le nuove idee, percio, l'Inquisizione trovo il bisogno di consolidare il controllo dei predicatori. Inoltre l'influenza di alcuni prelati come il vescovo di Verona, Gian Matteo Giberti o il cardinale, Gasparo Contarini che appoggiarono le riforme moderate e conobbero Ochino, ando diminuendo sotto il mutamento d'indirizzo della Chiesa e Ochino non pote contare sul loro aiuto. Cosi Ochino decise di andarsene dall'Italia. Rimangono pochi documenti delle prediche di Ochino. Pero possiamo ricostruire il suo pensiero dai suoi scritti prima e dopo la fuga. Nel Dialogi sette (1540) si trova quasi completamente la tradizione dell'idea dei Francescani invece della simpatia verso quella protestante. Tuttavia, l'idea dei Francescani ebbe una storia complicata e bisogna fare attenzione al modo di accoglierla di Ochino. Per esempio, il soggetto del "Ladrone in croce" del quarto dialogo del Dialogi e uguale a quello di Arbor Vitae Crucifixae Jesu di Ubertino da Casale, membro dei Francescani Spirituali (1305). Esaminando l'opera di Ubertino possiamo trovarci implicati due temi: la giustificazione per la fede e la predestinazione. Ochino consulto l'opera di Ubertino, ma non ne fece suo il pensiero totalmente, cioe, Ochino adopero il tema della giustificazione nella propria opera, ma si riservo su quello della predestinazione. Si puo desumere che Ochino abbia capito il pericolo di esprimere l'interesse per la dottrina dei calvinisti nella sopraddetta situazione. L'opinione di Ochino sulla Chiesa possiamo trovarla nei suoi scritti

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近世イタリアでは市民の道徳の発達と共に、キリスト教徒とユダヤ教徒の差別化の論理から非道徳的なユダヤ人ステレオタイプが作られた。本論は『ヘブライ人の状況についての議論』において、一七世紀ヴェネツィアのラビ、シモーネ・ルッツァットがこの偏見にどのように反論し、かつユダヤ教を守ることを試みたかを明らかにした。ルッツァットはユダヤ教を特殊な儀礼と普遍的な道徳性に分け、前者はユダヤ人のみが自由意志で守るが、後者は全人類が積極的に共有すべきとした。これは近代に似た宗教観念と言えるが、他方で個人はまず儀礼を通して繋がり、その外で道徳性によって異教徒と関係を持つと主張し、近代と異なる社会観念も持つ。この見解を当時の社会背景から考察し、ルッツァットがユダヤ教も兄弟団と同様に道徳的教えを持ちヴェネツィアの秩序に貢献するとしつつ、儀礼に関しては外国人組合nationeに認められた慣習法に落とし込み、ヴェネツィア当局の統治方針に合わせて議論していると結論づけた。

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マイスター・エックハルトはしばしば魂の内なる或る一つの力について語っている。この力は知性であり、神を露わな仕方で捉える力であるとされる。本稿は、異端的として断罪されることになるこの主張の思想的背景を明らかにすることをその目的とする。エックハルトは知性認識を神の実体と同一視し、「知性認識は非被造的である」と理解する。そのうえで、知性認識をその存在根拠とする神と、そうした知性認識を存在としてではなく働きとして所有するだけの知性的被造物とを厳然と区別する。その一方で彼は、知性が普遍的概念を認識する能力である限りにおいて、あらゆる存在的規定性からの自由、「存在欠如性」を知性に認める。そのような理解の背景には、知性の対象が事物の始原、すなわち神の知性認識に他ならないという彼自身の独自な考えがある。それゆえ、我々の知性があらゆる認識に開かれているということは、知性が神をその裸の実体において捉えているということを示唆するものなのである。

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The demarche made by the pope and his ambassadors, the papal legates, concerning Southern France can not be totally explained under the current historical notions as a measure to oppose the heresies of the time. Their intention was rather to consciously "work for peace and faith" (negotium pacis et fidei). This conception was formed in the late 12^<th> century on the basis of a Peace of God, or Truce of God, which flourished from the 10^<th> to 11^<th> centuries. According to this conception, heresy was to be classed among the attackers of Christian peace; and political rulers were required to purge heretics as the enemies of Peace. During this period, the pope, in opposition to the emperor, aimed to put Provence under his influence. Montpellier, allied with the papacy since the 11^<th> century, was the "starting point" of this project. Consequently, the purpose of papal legates, Peter of Castelnau and Milon, was to realize this religious-political objective in Southern France, demanding its rulers to take an oath of collaboration. However, this new conception, implying fidelity of these rulers to the pope, was so different from the local tranditional peace-keeping system that groups arose that rejected the oath on the one hand, and took it, on the other.

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure, the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era.

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In recent years researchers have stressed the idea that the territory which was recaptured from Islamic forces in Catalonia was divided up among autonomous lords, especially ecclesiastical proprietors, independent of the authority of the territory's ruler, the Count of Barcelona. However, this research tends to focus on the movements of the lords, without any attempt to follow the movements of the Count. This article attempts to clarify the political agenda adopted by the Count towards the recaptured territory and what it brought about. In concrete terms, the author chooses to analyze the recapture and following 100-year ruling structure of Tarragona, a large city recaptured early on in the Reconquista and governed jointly by the Count and the city's archbishop, the most powerful ecclesiastical lord in the region. In Tarragona, because the Count of Barcelona was able to accomplish its reconquest only under the auspices of the city's archbishop, the count became the archbishop's vassal and together they formed a unique system for governing the city and its surrounding territory. Nevertheless, according to contemporary sources, such a system was advantageous to the Count in maintaining and strengthening his own political agenda. In the first place, in his efforts to repopulate the region around Tarragona, the Count often times proactively bestowed privileges on the city's archdiocese to gain its cooperation in the colonization project. Secondly, the Archbishop of Tarragona played an important complementary role in settling disputes and maintaining law and order in the reconquered territory. Given such a backdrop, the Count, unable to monopolize the management of the reconquered territory, was still able to influence who would be named Archbishop. It was in this way that the authority of the Archbishop as a feudal lord was confirmed within the framework of the Count's own political agenda. However, due to fiscal difficulties, the Count's relations with the Pope in Rome and the influence of Albigensian Crusaders, the Archbishopric of Tarragona was eventually able to strengthen its autonomy from the Count. The author concludes that in Tarragona the political aims of the Count of Barcelona to take advantage of the city's archbishopric in governing the region ultimately enabled the archdiocese to establish itself as a feudal power.

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