The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.

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The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has scored a historic victory in the 2009 election. It brings an end to more than 50 years of almost unbroken rule by the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This would constitute the first time that power has shifted between the two largest parties in postwar Japan. This change has influenced the bureaucracy and interest groups.
  In this paper, we investigate the change in interest group behavior based on the competitiveness of the party system. Our data after dominance is largely drawn from Japan, where we have an excellent opportunity to find out how interest groups reacted to first the prospects. We also utilize the data from Germany and Korea for comparison to the one party dominance system in Japan. An analysis based on a nationwide survey offers a key to understanding the interest groups' configuration in the two - party system and allows us to estimate the effect of the power shift on the interest groups themselves. It is likely that the power shift will result not in the DPJ's dominance, but rather in a situation where the interest groups will tend to be in contact with both parties and withdraw from the electoral process.

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2009年総選挙では，多くの稲作農家が民主党に投票した。本稿では，サーヴェイ・データを用い，彼らの政治意識と投票行動について分析を試みる。分析の結果，彼らの投票行動の背景には，自民党・農林水産省・農協という，これまでの自民党農政の担い手に対する負の評価と，戸別所得補償を掲げる民主党への期待があった。また減反政策の是非はもはや争点ですらなく，個別所得補償への期待の程度が自民党に投票するのか，それとも民主党に投票するのかを分かつ重要な要因であった。更に，2009年の時点で，零細兼業農家と大規模化を進めてきた専業農家の間で，民主党や自民党農政の担い手に対する感情の違いが生じており，また政治との関わり方についても意見の違いがみられた。政権交代の影響もあり，政党に対し中立の立場をとりたいという農家が多く存在し，これまでの「農家が一枚岩で自民党を支える」という見方が成り立たなくなっていることが，本稿で明らかとなった。

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  In the 2009 Lower House election, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) fell to the opposition party and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) became the ruling party. In Japan, the LDP and many interest groups built the strong collaborative relationship for a long time. By the change of government, however, many interest groups which had built the good relation with the LDP was forced to the review of political connection. The transition 2009 was the turning point to review of the relations of the political party and the interest group.
  In this paper, I pay attention to the change of the political attitude of the Japanese farmer and analyze their voting behavior in the 2010 Upper house election. And I clarify new cleavages in the agricultural organization of the monolith and expect the new relations of the political party and the interest group in the future.
  After 2009, the farmer's political opinion is changing. The farming families who support the Liberal Democratic Party decreased, and most of farmers hope that the JA Central will keep neutral for politics and continue pressuring the government. In other words farmhouses comparing the opinion of two major political parties increase.
  Until 2009 the House of Representatives election, the farming family voting for the DPJ tended to increase, and the agricultural organized votes tends to be divided. In 2010 House of Councilors election, the tendency was promoted. Some farmers voted for the conservative small party such as the Yours Party (Minna no To) or the Sunrise Party of Japan (Tachiagare Nippon). These results suggest that cracks in the agriculture group are surfacing.
  By change of government, the Japanese interest group politics greets a turning point. However, there are not any studies about the change in the interest group. It is necessary to analyze how the relations of the political party and the interest group are rebuilt.

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South Korea is an appropriate case for comparison to study the politics of Japan. Therefore, with regard to civil society and interest groups, some important researches have been made comparing two countries. It has been pointed out that there was a contrasting character of civil society in Japan and Korea. Whereas civil society in Japan has an interest in the implemental process, Korea's one has been working for advocacy. We have found the grassroots - organized character of Japan compared with the elitist Korea.
  However, we might not continue such a contrast in the future. Korea's civil society has undergone a rapid transformation. K-JIGS2 which is a survey conducted in 2008 about the underlying structure of the organization Korea vividly captures the changes in Korea. Rather, comparison of Japan and Korea should highlight the difference between Japan which is immobilized and Korea to change in line with international trends.

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本稿は，補助金や委託事業収入などの政府からの公的資金収入に財政面で依存することが市民社会組織によるアドボカシーにいかなる影響を及ぼすのかについて，日本の事例を題材に検討を加える．本稿では，「市民社会組織に対する政府の自立性の程度」と「政府への財政的依存がアドボカシーに与える非線形的影響」という2点に着目することにより，新しい理論枠組みを提起したい．独立行政法人経済産業研究所の「平成26年度日本におけるサードセクターの経営実態に関する調査」のデータを用いた定量的分析の結果，1）政府の自立性の高低によって政府への財政的依存がアドボカシーに与える影響の方向性は異なること，2）政府への財政的依存は，ある一定レベルまではアドボカシーに好影響を与えるが，一定レベルを超えると逆にアドボカシーに悪影響を与えるようになる，という逆U字型の影響をアドボカシーに与えること，が明らかとなる．

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  While politicians still seem to see district activities as an important strategy for mobilizing personal votes, elections in Japan are increasingly marked by party competition. Why do they engage in such a strategy and does it really increase votes? By answering these questions, this paper aims to address how nationalized party competition affects politicians' behavior and how they adjust their different reelection strategies in changing environments. We hypothesize that personal-vote campaigning indeed increases votes and that its impact is larger where the incentives to cultivate personal votes are greater. With an original time-series dataset on the schedules of more than 150 Diet members, we offer the first systematic empirical test and find evidence confirming the hypotheses.

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本稿では野党各党による連合政権構想に焦点を当て,一党優位制下における政党間の協調と緊張のメカニズムを析出することに目的を置く。具体的には1970年代の社会党による全野党共闘構想への傾斜過程,1980年代の社公合意への転換過程を合理的選択的新制度論の枠組みを通じて再解釈する。
本稿の仮説は連合政権協議の展開,社会党の連合戦略の転換とそのタイミングは4つのアリーナにおけるネスト•ゲームとして捉えられるとするものである。第1は与野党の議席比,第2に野党内における社会党の優越性,第3に社会党内に占める労組の影響力,第4に労働運動における官公労と民間労組の主導権争いである。複数のゲームが同時進行する4重のネスト•ゲームの制約の下で野党各党が合理的に行動した結果,連合戦略の転換が行われたと説明する。

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