It is a popular opinion that each peasant household in 周 (Zhou) times was assigned 100 (mu) of land for regular cultivation, while 商鞅 (Shang Yang) -notorious reformer of 秦 (Qin) dynasty -put an end to this system and established newly enlarged plowland allotments, which are said to have amounted to 240 (mu). Thus the new plowland is said to be 2.4 times as large as that of the 周 (Zhou) system. But it seems strange that such an odd number was chosen in this serious reformation. According to the results of the present author's analysis, the so-called 100 (mu) land system during the 周 (Zhou) was accompanied by the same amount of uncultivated land. The plots were alternated every year. Therefore, the total holding of any peasant was equal to 200 (mu). 商鞅 added another 100 (mu) to that total and then divided it into two parts, one for cultivation and the another for alternation. So, the new holdings increased by 50%. The shape of the new holdings was 100 old 歩 (bu) by 300 old 歩 (bu). However, 商鞅 (Shang Yang) produced a new yardstick for the latter on the pretext of the 趙 (Zhao) land system. Since the new yardstick was increased by 25%, 300 old 歩 (bu) was then equal to 240 new 歩 (bu). By this time, iron farm tools had become fairly widely diffused, and there were new high productivity gains due to this new method, causing 商鞅 (Shang Yang) to expand the standard size of land under cultivation. Before that time, land for cultivation and land for alternation were both set by the community, and people could not cultivate more land than the assigned 100 (mu). 商鞅 (Shang Yang) divided the newly enlarged land for cultivation into 8 small parts. Now people could cultivate 6 of them, all of them, or even another part left in the alternation land. Peasants were free from the restrictions of their communities, and productivity was raised correspondingly. But, as this new situation was brought forth by the new policy of the state, the 秦 (Qin) state gained enough power to control and exploit the peasants.

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福井冲積平野北部の芦原低湿地における水居農村集落の構造を探求して次のような結果を得た.
1. 福井平野北部の低湿地の景観は特色のつよい集落・道路・米作単一耕地で構成されている.
2. この景観の原初型は原初的輪中形である.この景観は現在もなお住民の農業生産を制約している.
3. 集落は永い歴史の過程の中において,自然堤防の岑線中心に凝集し, 24戸の重密度宅地と2896, 26畝の水田と調和している.
4. その農村集落はA家系優位の同族農家の系統で組たてられている.また7人衆地主が固定して防水・用水の管理を確にした.
5. その結果集落は次の構造をもつた.
a, 中世式な1個の求心状構造区
b, 近世式な2個の路村構造区
6. この集落は現代において次の2階層に分れる農家によつてみたされ, (b)種が標準農家となり,その経営の安定限界は略1町歩である.限界以下の (a)種は6戸あり, 12名の賃金労働者を出している.これを(b)の農家に換算すると3戸となり,水居の安定農家数は21戸となる.両種の農家は次のようである.
x:耕作反別() y:米の収量(昭和31年度)
(a) 0-100畝までy₁=0.247x
(b) 101-520畝までy₂=0,247x+5

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　大気中NO₂濃度の日平均値の母集団分布としてべき逆ガウス型分布を仮定し,大気汚染測定局におけるNO₂の汚染特性について解析する。3個の母数を持つべき逆ガウス型分布は母数の特別な場合として逆ガウス型分布と対数正規分布を含んでいる。最初に,べき逆ガウス型分布のいくつかの性質を提示し,各母数の役割について論じる。次に,べき逆ガウス型分布のNO₂日平均濃度への適合度を逆ガウス型確率紙を利用して調べる。大部分の測定局でNO₂,日平均濃度の分布としてべき逆ガウス型分布を採用することは否定されない。べき逆ガウス型分布の平均を表す母数と,分布の形状を決定しバラツキを表すと解釈される母数との相互依存性はほとんど認められない。これらの母数の推定値を基にして一般環境大気測定局と自動車排出ガス測定局との汚染構造の差異についてもあわせて検討する。

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It is a theme of regional-structure analysis in Human Geography to demarcate the smallest regional units of the community, and to clarify some functional connectivity among them in an hierarchical context.
In the feudal age of Japan, Hanseison functioned as the strongest regional unit. Oaza is derived from the Hanseison in the research area. The purpose of this paper, then, is to make clear the function of the Oaza and the structure of the community. The research area is Koyo-cho, in the northern suburbs of Hiroshima city, situated at the entrance leading to the Chugoku mountains, where typical lockere Haufendörfer can be discerned in the settlement pattern.
Judging from the fact that communal properties, have been held mainly by the Oaza, it is the basic unit of the community. But the practical functioning unit of the community is the Koburaku which is composed of about 50 households under the Oaza. Therefore in the lockere Haufendörfer area, the community is organized by the linkage of the Oaza and the Koburaku.
The function of the Koburaku was strengthened gradually by the Municipality Reorganization Act enacted in 1889 and the Chiho-Kairyo-undo (Social Reform Movement) after the Russo-Japanese War. Special stress must be laid on the fact that various activities of the Seinendan (the young men's association) came to be held on the Koburaku level after the latter half of the Meiji Era. Furthermore, in 1934, the Oaze properties officially became privately-owned, but a part of them were transferect in actuality to the Koburaku. In this way, the Koburaku was elevated to the status of the smallest modern community unit, and it became the Jichikai or Chonaikai (a town/block association) and the agricultural settlement instituted by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry.
The dwindling Oaza communal forests, however, have persisted for several decades and been revived in the form of Airinkai (the association of the forest preservation) or Seisanshinrinkumiai (the productive forestry association). The existence of such a deep-rooted Oaza is worth noting from the view point of regional-structure analysis.

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Four experiments were carried out in 1950 and 1956 with the purpose of determining the number of plants required for estimating the yield in potato. The variety used was Danshaku and the conditions of growing plants in the four experiments were as follows; Exp. A : Perfect tubers planted, each tuber 37-56g weighing, 1 stem per hill, upland field, 840 plants measured, 1956. Exp. B : Longitudinally half-cut tubers planted, each 37-56g weighing, 1 stem per hill, upland field, 1160 plants measured, 1956. Exp. C : Random-cut tubers planted, each less than 37g weighing, 1 stem per hill, upland field, 1200 plants measured, 1956. Exp. D : Half-cut and perfect tubers mixed-planted, each 37-56g weighing, 3 stems per hill, the second crop in the paddy field, 1600 plants measured, 1950. The yield and number of tubers per hill were recorded when the plants came to maturity. On the basis of these records the numbers of plants required for estimating the mean yield and mean number of tubers were calculated by the formula n=s²t²/(<x^^--m>)² (n=sample size; t=Student's t-value ; x^^-=sample mean; m = population mean) for various reliabilities (Table 1). The calculation was made in 5 different ways, i. e., on the individual basis and group mean bases of 5, 10, 20 and 40 plants taken together along the row. The numbers of plants to be sampled thus obtained for each level ofgroup ‥ng were almost the same in all experiments, excepting Exp. A which suffered from the late blight disease and gave a large coefficient of variability. From these results it was concluded that the most practical method for estimating the total yield or total numder of tubers is as the first step to take a random sample of about 50 groups of 5 plants or about 30 groups of 10 plants from a field and then to multiply their mean by the totalnumber of plants grown in the field.

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The form and size of the patch may be investigated from these two standpoints, agricultural geography and settlement. The writer elucidated these problems by means of many Japanese archives. ancient literary works and cadastral mans.
As for the arable land, agricultural geography deals with several conditions requisite to the patch.
1) Conditions of Agricultural Management : In Japan, the average size of a patch is about 0.15 acres and each farmer with his family manages 16 patches. But this number changes according to the regions. In Nara prefecture where the most ancient culture of our country has been inherited, a patch has the average area of 0.13 acres for the paddy field and 0.06 acres for the other. Generally speaking, on the plain where the paddy field is managed on a larger scale, the patch is large but on the mountain small. But this proportion can't be applied to the other field, the variation of whose area is greater.
2) Conditions of Labour and Technique. : The fundamental size of a patch in the Japanese rice-field is 1 tan (0.295 acres) and is based on the Jori-system. It is said that this size depends on the cultivating power of an adult man a day. But this is by no means clear. A patch has a narrow and long rectangular form, owing partly to the introduction of the plough driven by cattle or horse. The most important factor in the older times must, however, have been irrigation for the paddy field. It goes without saying that the size and form vary with kinds of crops.
3) Conditions of Land Form. : A patch varies with such a land form as islands, coastal plains, basins, fans, plateaus etc. The writer verified this fact consulting many ancient archives and literary works.
4) Fixation of Patch and Equilibrium among its Factors. Generally speaking, the patch is determined by natural and cultural conditions, and can maintain the initial for : m and size comparatively for a long time. There is some equilibrium among many of its factors. But the equilibrium is broken sometimes by soil erosion or by technical, agricultural and social revolutions. According to the historical evidences in Japan, however, there had not been so great a change of the patch as the European enclosure since the Taika Reformation up to the Meizi Restoration. And may this not account in some way for the retardation of Japanese agriculture and society ?
By the settlement geography of field can be made the researches about the correspondence or correlation between the forms of settlement and arable land. In Europe, the aggregated villages in the country have the field of narrow and long strip, while the dispersed farms block-field. The contrast between these two types, therefore, is very clear. And before the differentiation of them there was “esch” or “gagnerie” (cooperative field) in some parts of the villages' field. In addition to these facts, the two-field system presented a proper form of their own. Strassendorf in slave land had also a special form. And thus the European villages and farms show the correspondence between the forms of settlement and field.
On the contrary, this relation is not so clear in Japan. It may generally be observed that in the field of the Joni-system there is the lattice-form of village. But in the Sanuki plain with the Joni-system of northern Shikoku the settlement is dispersed. And the reclamated coastal plain of southwestern Japan has the dispersed farm and paddy field divided in a regular manner. The linear village in Musashino takes such a form as European Waldhufendorf.

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1) The farmers of the rice-producing villages in the Kitakami valley are driven into an unoccupied period in winter due to the long-lasting snowcover which makes land production difficult or impossible to be carried out.
2) In order to make this non-productive period profitable or to utilize the unoccupied lab corers, the following two ways have been practically adopted: (a) To make efforts in winter cropping by using upland fields and paddy fields, as is carried on in the D and E regions (Fig 2) where the duration of snow-coyer is less than 80 days. (b) To engage in labours other than those for land production in the regions where the snow covers the ground for more than 80 days. 3) In the case of (b) two types are distingished: (b₁) In the regions where there is a labour-market, the percentage of emigrants is not high, as in the A rgion (Fig. 2) where labours are needed for charcoal making and mining, and in the D and B regions (Fig. 2) where the provincial cities make labour-markets. (b₂) In the regions where there is no labour-market, the percentage of emigrants is high. as in the B and C regions (Fig. 2)
4) The regional difference in emigrants percentage (Fig. 1) is considered tc be the resultant of these factors above-mentioned.

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In Yamagata, an old castle town, there are several detached land-plots which are inconvenient for administrative purpose, for administrations as well as for farmers. People usually refer to these plots by colloquiel names instead of using original names which are used officially.
Besides the deteched-plots in the city, there are many plots on an alluvial fan outside of the village; these are situated on the upper part of the alluvial fan and on the mountain slops.
With the recent deforestation of the alluvial fan, farmers in the villages at the foot of the mountain who had poor fields have cultivated fields in the fan. This is often the origin of detached plots.
There is another opinion that these detached plots were created by the change of land-register through trade or transfer, although I can not find such instances from the land documents in the village.
Lord Torii made a survey of the land, which was followed by lord Hoshina's survey. And he made a makimono (roll) 18, in which he encluded the areas of detached plot belong to each village with their land taxvalue. After it seems as if another land survey was made, but the total rice production and arable fields in each village was not changed most villages.
Judging from the documents, the property of manor lords, shrines and temples was written under each land-owner on land survey books, unless they were far away. Since before the feudal lord system in the 17th century, this system has continued.
This in one example which we see that in modern cities characteristics of feudal time still survived.

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The settlement pattern in the Chugoku mountainous region is regarded as lockeres Haufendorf in the terminology of German rural settlement geography. Auther intended to investigate its actual features from the viewpoint of the spatial relationships between village and field patterns. And in this treatise, Auther paid his attention to the developmental aspects of the rural settlement. This could throw light on the historical processes of the reclamation in the mountainous region of Chugoku district. The research area is NuKui district. Kate-cho, in the north-western mountainous region of Hiroshima Prefecture. In these persepectives, intensive field study has been conducted minutely at the level of each parcels of land. In this area there remains a historical material as Kenchi-cho, Agricultural land survey, describing each parcel and its holding in 1638. All the agricultural holdings are recorded according to their small place name (Honogi), not the location number. Identifying the place name. Auther constructed the village map showing relationships between a peasant house and his fields in the early Edo era. The map reveals that many peasants held their fields neighboring their own houses except a few big peasants. Auther guesses that this mountainous area, consisting of many small branch valleys, was reclaimed by the peasants who settled down sporadically in the medieval ages. The settlement pattern which is inherently identical with lockeres Haufendorf, considered to have developed from this process of the reclamation. After the Meiji Restoration, each parcel of the lot was recorded according to location number. In 1888, the old land tax roll (Kyu-tochi-daicho) was completed. This is a valuable datum about the landholding at the middle of the Meiji era. At that time, there were cases cultivator was not always landowner. A few powerful peasants have their fields far away from their own houses. On the other side, many peasants did not possess their cultivating fields. In this way, Buraku, basic regional unit of the rural community in modern Japan, come into existence under the leadership of those upper class peasants whose lots were distributed over Nukui district. Some earth gods in the small branch valleys were consolidated into a Buraku shrine. A primary school was also constructed at the foot of the Buraku shrine. Moreover, communal forests of 100 hectare belong to the common property to the Buraku. The map showing farming regions as of 1978, based on Census data (Noka-kihon-daicho), reveals that each settlements are grouped separately into the farming regions in the small branch valleys. In conclusion, Auther came to the thought that lockeres Haufendorf in the mountainous region of Chugoku district could be identified as dispersed settlement. Basically speaking, lockeres Haufendorf have much in common with dispersed settlement, judging from the spatial organization just as peasants cultivate rented or owned fields neighboring their own houses. Lockeres Haufendorf in the study area could be considered as a dispersed settlement (complex) consisting of toft and croft.

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