演者らはここ数年来、第２次世界大戦終結まで日本がアジア太平洋地域で作製してきた地図について、地域環境資料として評価するとともに、その作製過程にアプローチしてきた。近代国家における地図作製への関心のたかまりに応じて(Edney, 1997; トンチャイ, 2003)、日本についても関連の研究を展開する必要が大きいと判断されたからである。この結果、日本の旧植民地における地形図作製は、土地調査事業と密接に関係しつつ展開されたこと、さらに陸地測量部と密接な関係がもちつつも、非軍事的色彩がつよいことが注目された。本報告では、この概要を紹介し、共通する特色について検討する。1. 植民地における土地調査事業の展開　日本の植民地では、初期より土地所有の近代化にむけて土地調査事業が積極的に推進された。台湾では臨時台湾土地調査局(1898-1905年)、朝鮮では朝鮮総督府臨時土地調査局(1910-1918年)、さらに関東州でも関東庁臨時土地調査部(1914-1924年)によってそれぞれ実施され、土地台帳や地籍図が整備された。この意義については、多方面から検討される必要がある(宮嶋, 1994)が、いずれでも地籍図作製に際し三角測量により図根点が設定され、それにもとづく地籍原図を縮小しつつ地形図の作製にいたっている。２．三角測量の導入と地形図の作製　地籍図作製への三角測量の導入は、沖縄土地整理事務局による同種の事業(1899-1903年) が最初であり、台湾では沖縄の事業の視察後にこれを決定した(江, 1974, p. 135)。ただし朝鮮・関東州の場合は、事業当初より導入を決定していたと考えられ(『朝鮮土地調査計画書』1910年、「関東州土地調査事業概要」1923年)、これが標準化していったことがうかがえる。他方沖縄県で実施に至らなかった地形図作製については、台湾・朝鮮・関東州いずれでも当初予定していなかったが、事業開始後しばらくして付帯的な事業として実施することにした点は注目される。３．(1853-1926)の役割　沖縄県の土地整理事業における三角測量の採用は、これを指揮した当時の大蔵省主税局長、の指示によるものとされている(『男爵』1938, pp.250-251)。目賀田はこれ以前に大蔵省地租課長などとして地価修正と地押調査を推進しており、この指示はその時の体験をふまえたものである。また目賀田は、のちに韓国財政顧問(1904-1907年)として朝鮮の土地調査事業の準備に関与し、三角測量の導入を指示している(p.498-499)。くわえて目賀田は、1901年台湾総督府に赴任する宮地舜治(殖産局長)に地図をつくるようすすめたという(p.253)。台湾の地形図(堡図)作製のための作業は1902年から開始され、時期的にも符合するので、これが土地調査事業にともなう地形図作製の発端になった可能性がある。なお、目賀田はベルギーとフランスにおける類似の事業に関心をもっており(pp. 168, 253-255)、これらの指示や勧誘との関係をさらに検討する必要が大きい。４．植民地における地図作製の非軍事的性格　上記のように、大蔵官僚のイニシアティブにより、非軍事機関によって作製された地形図の刊行には、台湾の場合は台湾日々新報社、朝鮮の場合は朝鮮総督府、関東州の場合は関東庁が関与し、要塞地帯などをのぞいて、各地域で最初の本格的近代地形図となった点も留意される。

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This paper summarizes the development process of the organizational framework of the architectural bureau in Korea under Japanese rule. Particular attention is paid to the expansion of the organization through the revision of the government system. In addition, the paper introduces the draft of the government system contained in the Megata documents, and confirms that the draft by the Japanese was implemented almost faithfully. It should be noted that the official capacity and the actual number of enrollments didn’t necessarily coincide, and it was confirmed that the number of employees was much higher than the capacity after 1908 or 1909.

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The Japanese Government of Meiji era sent Shuji Izawa and two other officials to the United States, in July, 1875, for the search of then American normal school system. Izawa entered Bridgewater State Normal School, Massachusetts in September, and graduated from it after his three years study in 1877, and came back to Japan in May, 1878. Izawa published "Report on the Merits of Newly Established Gymnastics" in September, 1879. This study aims at to make a historical review on the process how Japan selected the light gymnastics considering the connections of the Bridgewater Normal School's gymnastics and Izawa's Newly Established Gymnastics Merit Report. Albert G. Boyden, principal of Bridgewater Normal School, introduced the new gymnastics originated by Dio Lewis in 1860. According to the school archives dated to bach in February,1861, the favorable effects of the new gymnastics were highly evaluated. It records that the Lewis' new gymnastics had been continued until 1890, the time later when a regular series of Swedish gymnastics replaced the Lewis'. The Lewis' new gymnastics had been generally adopted since 1860, not only in Boston but in many schools all over the United States. In September, 1878, G. A. Leland, who was a graduate of the Amherst College and later became a gymnastics instructor, came to be employed by the Ministry of Education of Japan, to teach the Lewis' new gymnastics at Tokyo Women's Normal School, Tokyo Normal School and National Institute of Gymnastics. Shuji Izawa, in his report, estimated the effects of G.A. Leland's instruction by means of the anthropometric measurements, recommended the Lewis' new gymnastics to Japanese schools. His opinion was adopted in Newly Selected Gymnastics published by National Institute of Gymnastics in 1882. The book contains calisthenics, free gymnastics and light gymnastics with dumb bells, Indian clubs, wands, and other tools. It appears highly worthy to note that this selection of light gymnastics played an important and decisive role for the future direction in Japanese modern school gymnastics. According to Izawa's personal history, he graduated from the Bridgewater State Normal School in 1877, finishing its whole course of study, and this means that he learned Dio Lewis' new gymnastics during his school days. It may be concluded that Izawa had put a great emphasis on selecting light gymnastics in Japan since he himself had learned it and recognized its merits during the time when there was an increasing tendency toward the Lewis' new gymnastics in the United States at the right moment, for him. It seems that Izawa was so much moved and influenced by this tendency in the United States in his recommendation of the Lewis' new gymnastics in Japan.

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In the summer of 1988 I happened to discover the existence of an address-book entitled “Japanese in Boston : 1871-1876” -kept in the rare book section of the Boston Public Library. Apparently the notebook was kept by Charles Knapp Dillaway, one time Principal of Boston Latin School. Seventy-eight Japanese names are listed, of which four are duplicates due to confusion of family and given names. Of the 74 names, 65 have been so far identified. Actually we find such “big” names as : Dan Takuma, Izawa Shuji, Kaneko Kentaro, Komura Jutaro, Megata Tanetaro, Okabe Nagamoto, Tomita Tetsunosuke, and Yamakawa Kenjiro. Others are less wellknown, but still identifiable. Usually the name is accompanied by his address, together with other information such as his dates of arrival and departure, present whereabouts, and names of his friends. Thus the notebook, herewith textualized for the first time by courtesy of the Trustees or the Boston Public Library, may offer useful information for historians who are interested in the early Japanese who went to Boston and other American cities for study or inspection-in search of new knowledge and technology for new Japan.

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わが国の醸造技術のセンダーであリ, かつ世界の発酵微生物研究の先鋒としても多くの実績を持つ国税庁醸造試験所が, 先般, 創立75周年を迎えた。
本誌では, これを機会に座談会を開催し, 同所での苦心談等についてお話しいただいた。

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100年以上の歴史ある「赤れんが酒造工場」は多くの醸造家・研究者・技術者を育成してきた。また，その威厳ある建物は一般の方々にも国税庁醸造試験所時代に全国新酒鑑評会の一般公開等で親しまれ，モニュメントとして記憶に刻まれている。現在でも，醸造試験所跡地公園の背景（春は桜花，夏は夜景にライトアップ，秋は紅葉，冬は雪景色）に溶け込んだ建物として，憩いの雰囲気を醸し出している。この建物の歴史について，その設計者である妻木頼黄の「すごいっ」とともに，「赤れんが酒造工場」の外観だけでない内からの「すごいっ」を解説していただいた。

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Some Americans such as Samuel Robbins Brown, Birdsey G. Northrop, and John Hopkins Twichell in late 19^th century New England had early contacts with both Chinese and Japanese students. These discoveries led the author to consider the necessity of further pursuing study into (1) the activities of missionaries and intellectuals who had contacts with both Japanese and Chinese students aspiring to learn from the west, and (2) the contacts and relationships between Japanese and Chinese overseas students.
This paper firstly clarifies the background and footsteps regarding relationships between Americans and Japanese/Chinese overseas students, then examines whether Japanese and Chinese students themselves built up interactions and friendships through their network of American acquaintances, schools and local communities, and finally makes comparisons from family backgrounds to careers of 21 Japanese and 21 Chinese students studying at Yale University in the period 1870–1887.
The students of these two countries were studied because their similar experiences as overseas students may provide important insights to why Japan and China took different paths in their modernization, a topic the author has had continuous academic interest in. This paper also intends, as the first step in a comparative study of modernization processes in Japan and China, to find out whether Japanese and Chinese students studying at Yale University in the same period set off from similar starting points.
In conclusion, the ground was set for communication between Japanese and Chinese students in second-half 19^th century New England, but deeper interaction and solidarity did not seem to have grown between them. Moreover, although China fell far behind Japan in modernization, both countries had overseas students who had the same western training under the same environment at the start.

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This paper introduces the document regarding the concept of “Eizen-kyoku,” which was submitted to the prime minister in 1902. The analysis shows the following. The proposal was prepared by Yorinaka Tsumaki and submitted to Arasuke Sone and later submitted to the Council of Governmental Affairs by Yoshiro Sakatani for examination. In that process, European and U.S. systems were studied, and the document recommended that a permanent bureau be established under the Ministry of Finance. The scale of the envisioned organization was enormous, and it was assumed that in addition to officers, architects could also be appointed as Ministers.

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