きわめて限られた紙面のこの小論をもって、上記のテーマを全面的に論述することは不可能である。したがって、論点をStateおよびその周辺の語を考察することに絞って述べてみたい。
「イスラエル国」の英語による国号はState of Israelである。同様にStateを国号に用いた国には、State of Kuwait, State of Bahrain, State of Qatarなど中東の諸国が挙げられ、変わったところでは、「バチカン市国」Vatican City Stateがある。
これらに用いられたStateとはいったいどのような語なのであろうか。もちろん, これらの国の原語名にはStateに相当する語 (たとえば、Medinat IsraelのMedinat) が使用されている訳であるが、英語名の中で「国家」を意味するStateがどのような観念を内包しているのか、一考に値する問題であろう。そしてまた、類義語としてのCountry, Nationとの相違はどうか、などもあわせて考察してみよう。

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Harold Laski, well-known as an advocate of the pluralistic theory of the state, presented his theory as the antithesis of T. H. Green's idealism. Nevertheless, Laski inherited Green's idea of 'rebellion as the duty of citizens'. Green's influence on Laski has rarely been the focus of attention in Laski studies because the central role the idea of positive duty of rebellion plays in his thought has been neglected. By examining the relationship between Laski's acceptance and critique of Green, this paper shows that Laski's pluralistic theory was developed as an effort to revive Green's theory of resistance.

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It was during the Victorian Era that Spencer brought forth his theory of social organism, based on the equality and the freedom of man. An individual has the liberty to pursue happiness and to use his faculties for that end. Such individuals, during the process of their gradual adjustment to society, improve their own faculties, and in turn help society to prosper. The theory of social organism aims at the happiness of the individual, and in this differs from the theory of biological organism.
Spencer's educational ideas were based on this sociological point of view. Man needs education in order to adjust to society. Education aims at equipping man for a perfect life, and for that end must endeavour to develop his mental and physical faculties in a well-balanced fashion. Moral education must be based on intellectual training. And the method of education should be such that would encourage an individual to use his capacities voluntarily to acquire knowledge.
Spencer advocated an education which placed importance on the individual and which aimed at a harmonious adjustment of man to society.

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Since the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, various challenges have emerged in crisis management as it relates to international political events. Asymmetric global threats, which are fundamentally different from the autonomous state-level interactions of the past, have created complex supranational issues, including the problem of terrorist and criminal organizations that operate without national boundaries.
The current mutual dependency in international politics and economics has created a highly sensitive structure that is vulnerable to the rapid spread of regional conflicts. Thus, the expansion of regional instabilities can create critical situations that can shake the foundations of the international system, as well as individual nations. ‘Vulnerability’ in this case refers to the relative costs of changing the structure of an interdependent system. At present, there have also been challenges to the concept of the traditional nation-state pursuing its own autonomous political functions. Thus, the prevention and management of rapidly expanding asymmetric threats in problematic areas has now become the most urgent issue facing the present-day international community.
In the new environment of crisis management and the transformation of external threats, Japan must also face the same problem as the nations of Europe in developing sophisticated information technologies and highly developed social structures in urban communities. Nations must now have the capability to face a wide range of crises, and although Japan is now capable of peacefully resolving conflicts among states, the framework for the process of handling such issues has not yet been established. Also, taking into account the characteristics of present asymmetric threats, such as their ubiquity and ease of transmission, the need for efficient international cooperation in developing pluralistic crisis management systems has become urgent.
Crisis management in the post-9. 11 relegated military action to a secondary role in favor of addressing the social, economic and political causes of domestic and international crises and conflicts. A broader view of crisis management, including Military Operations Other Than War, blends diplomatic, developmental, intellectual, law enforcement, and administrative procedures with military functions, and gives special consideration to political, economic, and socio-psychological factors. Therefore, during the decisionmaking process, sufficient comprehension of the underlying sociological phenomena upon which an individual incident is based is necessary. A deep understanding of these basic elements, including war, as well as the characteristics of decision-making process in each nation, is indispensable for effective crisis management.
This paper will to outline the basic structure of this newly-required, 21^st-century crisis management system by objectively comparing network-centric wide-area emergency disaster medical systems to autonomous-dispersion crisis management systems which can rapidly respond to changes in strategic environments.

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Japan has recently adopted a new system for the general election of the Lower House, combining 300 single-member constituencies and 200 proportional representation seats. The new system has been expected to bring about desirable policy-centered elections.
No matter what systems are put into practice, however, the expected results will not be brought about unless those who make use of the reformed electoral system have no or little ability of making full use of the system. What dose matter is the voters' policy-centered choice.
In prewar Japan, many elections were conducted under the single-member constituency system. Among them was a remarkable election held in 1924. The general election was held just after the then leading political party “Seiyûkai” was disrupted and it caused the voters remarkable traits. That is why this paper is to explore the voter's attitudes toward the political reorganization and under the single-member constituency system in 1924.
Interestingly enough, the analysis of the voters' attitudes tells that they followed their old convention, although the party they had supported was broken up and they faced the new situations. In other words, they did not vote as individuals, but just as groups.

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