関東地方南部、利根川下流域である東京都、埼玉県、茨城県、千葉県をまたぐ範囲には、特異な形の盆の風習がある。 一般に、盆は、祭であるとされている。 かつては旧暦の7月中旬に行われることが多かった。新暦が導入された明治6（1873）年以後の日程は、さらに多様化している。7月や月遅れである8月の13日から15日、または13日から14日、そして8月の初旬に行われている地域もある。を家に迎えることが主と捉えられているが、同時に無縁仏が家にやってくるともいわれる。とは、イエの先祖の霊である。一方の無縁仏には二種類あり、一つはかつてイエの構成員だったが先祖とならなかった霊、もう一つはイエとは無関係と考えられる霊（行き倒れなど）である。 盆の期間には迎えと送りが行われる。迎えとはイエの墓地や辻、川や海などからイエまでを迎えることである。に対しては一定期間イエで供物を捧げ、その後再びを送る。 その祀り方も、地方毎の特色がある。盆棚と呼ばれるを迎える台を庭や屋内に設けたり、と共に家に来た無縁仏に対して屋内や屋外で供物を出したりする。 関東地方南部の利根川下流域では、8月、もしくは7月の13日から15日に行われる。都市部では7月、農村部では8月に行われるとされる。盆は、おおよそ以下のように営まれる。 13日の夕暮れに「お迎え」を行う。集落の墓地に、灯りのない提灯を持って住民が訪れてくる。家の墓へと向かい、水をかけ、線香を手向け、お供えの食物を供える。墓石の前で提灯に火を灯すもすと、また家へと帰って行く。東京都北西部では、墓地が遠い場合は家の前の道路でを迎えることもあるという。素焼きの皿の中でオガラを焚いて音を鳴らせる地域もある。 家ではあらかじめ仏壇の前に盆棚を用意し、位牌を並べて置く。墓地からイエに着いたは、本の機関にそこに留まるという。盆棚には朝昼晩と3度の食事を出す。そうしてが留まる中、千葉県北西部や茨城県南東部では、14日の昼にはが「タカノノセガキ」へ出かけると説明する地域もあった。 15日は「送り」である。送るにお弁当を持たせたる地域もある。の乗り物としてナスの牛やキュウリの馬を作ったりする。そうして夕方、盆棚から提灯を灯してを迎えた場所まで行き、提灯の火を消すと完了である。 以上のように、を墓などから迎え、送る一連の動きが、墓とイエとで行われている。 ところが、をイエに迎え、誰もいないはずの墓地へ、14日早朝に行く地域もある。千葉県北西部と茨城県南東部である。民俗学でも「十四日の墓参」と呼ばれ、全国に分布してよく知られた風習である。が、その時に使用する台が、今回のテーマである。 材料は、30cm長の竹棒2本と一晩干したマコモである。竹棒2本を十文字にし、マコモで四角く編んでいく。15_cm_四方まで編むと、残った15cmほどの竹棒を折り、脚がわりとして地面に立てる。14日の墓参の際には、マコモで編んだ屋根上の部分に「アラヨネ」「ミズノコ」と呼ばれる、イモの茎やキュウリ、ナスなどを刻み生米を混ぜたものを乗せる。墓参の対象は、行為者に聞いても不明であった。 一方、全く同じ台を使いながら、その対象をとし、13日の迎えで使用する地域もある。 作成に手間のかかる同一の台を広い地域で行われているにもかかわらず、その使用方法や意味付けが異なるのはなぜか。分布の広がりから考察することが本研究の目的である。

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In this paper I shall discuss the ki-a-nag (the libation place for the dead) of the Pre-Sargonic Lagaš, especially the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi who was the first ruler of the new dynasty after that of Urnanše. We have many records about ki-a-nag in the administrative-economic archives of the é-mí (the house of the wife (of the ruler)). There are some kinds of ki-a-nag as follows: ki-a-nag, the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, the ki-a-nag of lugal of Lagaš (district), the ki-a-nag of NINA (district) and the ki-a-nag of Urub (district). The most significants results of my investigation are the following:
1. We find the ki-a-nag of Lagaš and of NINA in níg-giš-tag-ga texts, detailed account books of offerings for deities and temples. It is the point at issue why these two places were involved in the records of offerings to deities, though ancestors were generally differenciated from deities.
2. The ki-a-nag of Urub in which maš-da-ri-a offerings were brought seems to be identical with that of Enentarzi, because he was the only one departed spirit who was given those in his ki-a-nag.
3. The ki-a-nag of ensi is identical with that of Enentarzi according to DP 56 and Nik. I, 161.
4. The ki-a-nag of Enentarzi was built in the first year of his reign according to RA 11, 61.
5. Lugalanda and Barnamtarra, his wife, gave many offerings to the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi, but they did not directly bring those to this place.
6. The ki-a-nag in gar lists, lists of monthly expenditure of barley and emmer, seems to be identical with that of Enentarzi, because Dudu, father of Enentarzi and sanga of Ningirsu, had been received and Lugalanda and his wife had individually given same quantity of emmer and barley to it every month until the first year of Uruinimgina, ensi.
7. Dudu was enshrined in the é-ki-šál-la, not his ki-a-nag.
8. I can find the ki-a-nag of Enentarzi but can not find that of Lugalanda, his son, in the records.
9. Uruinimgina suspended the giving of cereal to ki-a-nag of Enentarzi from the first year of lugal. Therefore he seemed to have had the obligation to worship his ki-a-nag. He, however, gave emmer to Enentarzi and Lugalanda in the fifth and sixth year of his reign according to DP 53, Fö 14 and Nik. I, 89.
10. The ki-a-nag in VAT 4875 and DP 57 might have been identical with that of Uruinimgina, because he as well as Enentarzi was the first ruler of the dynasty and also must have built his ki-a-nag.
The ki-a-nag was the sacred place that the first ruler of the dynasty must have built and the successors and their wives must have been enshrined together. Urnanše also may have built his ki-a-nag, because he was the first ruler of the dynasty. Some of the ancestors such as Gilgameš must have become a deity. When the ancestor who had been enshrined in a ki-a-nag was deified, his ki-a-nag became the holy place such as the temple of Ningirsu. The ki-a-nag of lugal of Lagaš must have been that of Urnanše, because he had assumed the title of lugal.
Enentarzi, the first ruler of the dynasty, built his ki-a-nag and Lugalanda, his successor, was enshrined together with him in the same ki-a-nag. It had been the private libation place in which the ruler's family worshipped. Under the reign of Uruinimgina, his ki-a-nag became the place that the ruler worshipped officially. He attemped to make his rulersnip stronger in relation to his reform policy.

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Evidently, nealy half a century after it first revealed signs of decline (in late Meiji and early Taisho years), the traditional custom of ancestor worship is now found here in Japan to be even more deprived of its vitality. For all that, however, we would hardly be justified in utterly ignoring the influence it still exerts upon our social life as a whole.
With the hope to investigate the real range of such a religious factor in our rural life of to-day, a field survey was recently undertaken by the Department of Kyoto University, so as to survey on the spot those several villages which had deen chosen as representing each of these three major types of village livelihood : “agricultural”, “fishing” and “forestry”. The present article which is the result of this survey, may be summarized as follows :
In point of religious consciousness, first of all, the task consisted in determining whether the belief in ancestral spirit is faithfully maintained among the villagers or not, and if it ts, how it varies with the differences in sex, age and social status.
Secondly, from the ritual point of view, close attention is focused on religious implications still observed in the yearly circle of festivals and practices, as well as in those which mark the stages human life (such as birth-ceremony, initiation, wedding, funeral, etc.). As to the daily acts of worship e. g. that of holy tablets memorial of the deceased, the observance of which used to be obligatory; the actual extent to which they are still maintained was investigated here also in regard of the difference in sex and age.
Thirdly, a survey was conducted in an attempt to find out the relationship between inheritance and ancestor worship. The traditional predominance of the latter custom explains the fact that the former term is used to mean in fact the simultaneous succession (necessarily by right of primogeniture) of both the responsibility for sacred rites, as well as the right to secular estate, proper to each family. Now that, as a result of post-war reform, the new inheritance law does not concern ancestor worship any more than it limits inheritance to the eldest son alone, the research centers on the question of whether there still exists a tendency to allow the all real property to be inherited by the one who would be willing to take up the ritual responsibility.
Conclusion : -Admitting that a gradual increase in the horizontal and vertical mobility of society surely tends to lessen the role of such a traditional custom as ancestor worship, its influence still survives in Japanese villages more forcibly than might be expected, to a remarkable extent, especially, in the matter of “inheritance”.

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