2022年2月，ロシアがウクライナに軍事侵攻し，ザポリージャ，チョルノービリ両原子力発電所を攻撃した。ザポリージャ原発については占拠を続けている。運転中の原発を武力攻撃し，占拠するのは前代未聞の出来事であり，従来の核セキュリティの概念を超越している。笹川平和財団安全保障研究グループは，国際原子力機関(IAEA)，国連などの国際機関の在り方，国際法の役割と限界を指摘しながら，戦時下の原子力施設の保護，防護について2023年3月に政策提言を取りまとめ，総理官邸などに配布した。その後のザポリージャ原発周辺の状況や，戦時下における原子力施設の保護に関する議論の経過を踏まえながら，日本がどのような役割を果たすべきかについて考察する。

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(1) Israel is not a militaristic state although she is a model of ‘nation-in- arms’ in the sense that military defense occupies the center of her people's life.
(2) The reason why Israel is ‘nation-in-arms’ is due to the fact that she was surrounded by hostile countries which do not recognize her legitimacy as a state, and that she has actually fought four times with them in the past. In addition to this, holocaust analogy and ‘Masada complex’ which are latent in the psychology of Israelis, highten terror in their heart.
(3) But, up to now, Israel has never faced the critical situation in which she could be actually annihilated. Rather, she has always won overwhelming victory in the past wars, with the only exception of the Yom Kippur War. At the same time, it is an undeniable fact that the terror of annihilation has been utilized for the justification of her intransigent policy.
(4) Israel has tried to persuade the Arab states for their recognition of Israeli's legitimacy as a state, while totally rejecting the wish of Palestinians for the establishment of their independent state. After the end of Six-Day-War, Israel has made every efforts to secure her security on the basis of tei ritorialism by bringing out the conception of ‘defensible borders’.
(5) If Israel wishes to secure the true security, it might be indispensable for her to recognize the Palestinians' legitimate rights of self-determination through peaceful settlement, in stead of insisting the conception of security on the basis of territorialism.

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新型コロナウイルスの感染拡大の中で、偽情報・誤情報の広がりが喫緊の課題として認識される中、世界の公共放送の代表格といわれるイギリスBBCは、「信頼できる確かな情報の担い手」として、自らの役割と価値を改めて打ち出そうとしている。 本稿は、その取り組みの最優先策として挙げられた「不偏不党の徹底」に焦点をあて、その理念がどのように放送で実践されてきたのか、その変遷を概観した。スエズ危機やフォークランド紛争など、時として権力と激しく対立しながら模索してきたそのアプローチは、デジタル化と多民族化が進む中で、「シーソーのようにバランスをとる」ことから、「多種多様な価値を反映」させるべく、「正確性、バランス、文脈、公平・公正、客観性など」が合わさった多様なものであるべきだとの認識へと進化を遂げる。そして、戦後最大の外交政策の転換と言われるEU離脱によって政治社会が分断し、対立感情があらわになりやすい雰囲気が広がる中で、左右からの批判にさらされたBBCは、再び変革を迫られる。本稿では最後に、これまで視聴者とのエンゲージメントの手段としてきた取材者のＳＮＳ発信を制限するなど、新たな実践の形を模索する姿を紹介する。

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The purpose of this paper is to explore Britain's clandestine cultural activities in the USSR conducted by the British Council's Soviet Relations Committee (SRC). Established in 1955 in response to Foreign Office requests for a body that would be responsible for ‘the promotion of closer relations between Great Britain and the U. S. S. R.’, it is argued that, in reality, the government wanted the SRC to act as a bulwark against the activities of domestic Communist ‘friendly societies’. The paper seeks to identify and evaluate the attitude adopted by the British Government towards cultural interchange with the USSR by elucidating upon the value given by contemporaries to cultural propaganda in the political forum, and then moves forward to address the question as to what the government hoped to gain from a cultural-intercourse with the USSR, or rather, how abstention from official cultural commitments was the strategic aim of the government. The SRC was well aware of the dangers and benefits associated with cultural penetration, and, from the outset, was anxious to avoid getting involved in protracted negotiations over a binding cultural agreement. Whilst resisting Soviet advances to create a formalised agreement, the SRC acted as a stent, keeping open a channel of communication with the Soviet authorities, and implanting—in Soviet eyes—the corruptive seeds of democracy.
The paper concludes by suggesting that the politics of international cultural, relations being conducted behind the Iron Curtain changed rapidly with events in world affairs during the 1950s, such as the Hungarian Crisis. Whilst the policy of the British Government initially appeared beneficial to British interests, it soon became clear that the Soviets were gaining more from these cultural exchanges in terms of the technical expertise that they acquired, and the propaganda they could attach to them. They endorsed cultural relations, but cultural relations had to be on their terms. The ambivalence of the SRC's status presented an obstacle to the Soviet authorities that initially held them at bay, but in the end, proved to be counterproductive and ultimately ineffective, resulting in its disbandment in 1959. However, the achievement of the SRC was that it helped to increase the volume of western representations of ‘democratic’ ideals both at home and in the USSR, and fostered a relationship with the USSR that was far from being merely ‘passive’-rather, Britain's cultural diplomacy in this period was a raft of unique and subtle strategies, which, though it ultimately failed, attempted to conduct cultural propaganda at arms-length, in order to pursue Britain's own world-view.
It must be emphasised that some of the materials used in this article are, to date, still categorised as being ‘closed files’ in the National Archives, London. For this reason, permission to access and make use of the material contained in these files was granted by the British Council on the signed undertaking that the names of individuals mentioned would not be published.

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  Between the 1950s and 1970s the world politics was dominated by revolutionary movements in the Third World and the hero of the age was Che Guevara. The Palestinian liberation movement emerged in that era. This article analyzes the evolution and devolution of the Palestinian liberation movement by regarding it as one of the revolutionary movements in the Third World.
  After discussing general arguments over revolutions in the World Politics, this article treats the development of the Palestinian liberation movement and the change in its attitude toward armed struggle. Armed struggle by the Palestinian national movement and regional politics in the Middle East influenced each other. Armed struggle by Palestinian guerrilla groups stimulated the 1967 War, which resulted in changes in their attitude toward armed struggle and the shift in the agent of liberation.
  The Palestinian Revolution encouraged the Lebanese Civil War. The coalition group between the Palestinian liberation movement and Lebanese progressive groups was opposed to the Lebanese conservative groups. The 1982 War had a crucial effect on the fate of the Palestinian Revolution.

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As we are going to argue the security problem of a state, then we, generally, used to begin the analysis of her armaments, defence potential and military readiness. It, however, is not enough. Because the international relations in recent years are so complex and tangled that the range of emergency or crisis of a state can not be forecasted. So we should also discuss about the other means of security than the military one.
I, hereto, would put a proposition that there are two ways to ensure the security of a state. One is the tangible means of security as military defence, and the other is intangible one as diplomatic negotiations or diplomatic approaches. It, I think, is a proper and wise policy that a small, minor power state, especially surrounded by the uncertain and peril circumstances, should choose and pursuit the intangible means of security.
Austria is an appropriate example to do so.

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