It has been a vexing problem as to whether Aramaic had from the outset or not. Some insist that Aramaic lacked yaqtul at first, but that it intruded into Aramaic later as a result of the influence of Canaanite languages. Others argue in favor of the original existence of yaqtul in Aramaic.
Formerly, three verbs in the Aramaic inscription of Zakkur, king of Lu'ash and Hamath (ca. the second half of the ninth century BCE), found in Afis (KAI202), were regarded as the oldest attestation of yaqtul conjugation. They are _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (A11) and _??__??__??__??__??_ (A15), all of which are preceded by a conjunction waw. In this inscription, however, both qatala and yaqtulu are dominant in expressing narrative past and future/present tenses respectively. The appearance of the three yaqtul forms is therefore just an exceptional phenomenon. Furthermore, the language and style of the Zakkur inscription is strongly influenced by the Canaanite culture. The yaqtul in this inscription might be borrowed from the Canaanite languages but is foreign to the original language.
The newly discovered Tel Dan Inscription, dated around the first half of the ninth century BCE, contains the following eleven finite verbs: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (B1.1), _??__??__??_ (A1.2), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??_ (A1.3), _??__??__??__??_ (B1.3), _??__??__??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.4), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.5), _??__??__??_[_??_] (B1.5), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.6), _??__??__??__??__??_ (A1.8), _??__??__??__??_ (A1.9), out of which two (_??__??__??__??__??_ [and] _??__??__??__??_) could be absolute infinitive and are definitely not qatala. The rest are minutely analyzed from the lexicographical, morphological, and contextual points of view and it can be concluded that they should be yaqtul. Still more, two yaqtul forms (_??__??__??_ and _??__??__??_) are not preceded by waw. Thus, the yaqtul forms in the Tel Dan inscription regularly function to denote the narrative past, regardless of the precedence or non-precedence of the conjunction waw.
The verbs preceded by the conjunction waw in the Deir 'Alla inscription must be the remnant of inherent yaqtul forms. The following forms are found: _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 2), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 3), _??__??__??__??__??_ (I, 4/5), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 1), _??__??__??__??_ (I, 4).
Although Gibson's assertion that yaqtul exists in Biblical Aramaic is rejected, the 33 examples enumerated as yaqtul by M. S. Smith in the Moabite Mesha inscription (ca. 850 BCE) should be accepted as correct. In this inscription yaqtul, along with qatala, plays a leading role in the narrative past tense.
In conclusion, yaqtul should have been inherent in both the Tel Dan inscription and the Mesha inscription. The Tel Dan inscription is, therefore, the oldest solid attestation of yaqtul in Aramaic. The six examples in the Deir 'Alla Aramaic inscription also affirm the original existence of yaqtul forms in Aramaic itself.

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There are many stone vessels from Iron Age sites in Levant. In this paper, stone vessels are clasified into four forms: three-legged form, bowl-shaped form, chalice form, four-legged form. The three-legged form is divided into four types and the bowl-shaped one is divided into seven types.
Stone vessels are divided into two groups. The first group is found before the Iron Age, the second is found only in the Iron Age. The second group consists of four types: three-legged form no. 3 type, bowl-shaped form no. 2D type, bowl-shaped form no. 1A type, and chalice type.
I suggested here that the second group is used for special purpose, because its members have complicated forms and special hundles, and some decorations in comparision with the first group. Many stone vessels of the second group were unearthed after the 9th century B. C.. They appeared before the Assyrian conquest.

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The concluding section of the “Succession Narrative” in 1 Kings 1-2 is an apologetic composition from the early days of Solomon, aiming at legitimatizing not only his irregular succession but also his purge of his adversaries. Two conflicting elements in the Solomonic legitimation are blended in the congratulation offered to David by his servants on the occasion of Solomon's accession:“May your God make the name of Solomon more famous than yours, and make his throne greater than your throne” (1 Kings 1:37, 47). The words imply that, though Solomon legitimately succeeded to the throne of David, he assumed a critical attitude toward the old regime of David. We can find a comparative analogue of this double structure of the Solomonic legitimation in a propagandistic inscription of Kilamuwa, king of Y'DY-Sam'al, in the latter half of the ninth century B. C. It offers a close parallel to the Solomonic legitimation in the following three items: a) the emphasis on the father's throne as the foundation of the legitimate kingship; b) the negative evaluation to his father; c) the establishment of the kingship based on the restoration of social justice or order. Besides, a historical analysis of the Kilamuwa inscription shows that the pattern of the royal succession in the early monarchies in Y'DY-Sam'al provides us a remarkable parallel to that of transfer of the royal throne in early Israel. The characterization of the first five kings in both kingdoms is summarized as the following chart. The comparison indicates that there were common features in the political development in the early, inexperienced monarchies in the national kingdoms of Syro-Palestine at the beginning of the first millennium B. C.

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The present study examined by both the Old Testament and archaeological materials using a historical method, in an attempt to describe the social structure of Ancient Israel, not based upon either of the opinions of the so-called European School and Soviet School.
In the first place the author examined three main terms for slaves in the Old Testament, and then based on the Old Testament he tried to reconstitute the classes of slaves in forms of ownership which had private slaves and state slaves, the former being domestic slaves, the latter temple slaves and royal slaves, in comparison with the institutions in the ancient countries in the Near East. The institution of royal slavery existed in Ancient Israel from the period of David down to the period of Nehemia and Ezra, and the same is attested by the technical terms in the Old Testament: mas, mas 'obed and 'obdê šelômô (twenty-three passages).
The author checked the terms mas is employed in a threefold sense, and mas 'obed means Royal Slave. However Royal Slave has been know little as Temple Slave.
In conclusion the author studied based on above mentioned method on the mas 'obed during the period of the United Monarchy of Israel, especially Solomon (ca. 961-22 B. C.), and its historical position in relation to the social development in the Ancient Israel. In reference to the sources of slavery in the Ancient Israel see Journal of Dokkyo University Studies, No. 1. in pp. 34-55. by the present writer.

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(目的)『ヒポクラテス全集』の治療に関する記述を研究した.
(方法)『ヒポクラテス全集』(ラーブ版, 大槻版, 今版) の治療の記述を計量言語学的に検討し, コス学派とクニドス学派とで治療の優先度を比較した.
(結果) 治療の記述は2,687節で, 内科治療2,319 (86%), 外科治療は368箇所 (14%) であった. 2,687中, コス学派の記述は1,023 (38%), クニドス学派1,261 (47%), 学派不明は403 (15%) であった. 内科治療は薬剤, 食餌法, 入浴, 燻蒸, 運動, 走行, 散歩, 罨法が多かった. 外科治療は骨折と脱臼に対する伸展, 整復, 切開, 焼灼, 瀉血であった. 食餌法, 運動, 走行, 散歩, 伸展, 整復, 瀉血はコス学派がクニドス学派より高頻度, 薬剤, 入浴, 婦人科疾患に対する燻蒸, 切開はクニドス学派が高頻度であった (X²検定でp<0.01). 尿路結石に対する治療としては, 薬剤, 食餌法, 入浴, 温罨法, 腎結石患者に対する切開術であったが, 膀胱切石術の記述はなかった. ヒポクラテスは薬で治らない病気はナイフで治すと“宣誓”で述べていた. また, 彼は戦場での傷の外科を習得する者は, 軍隊に加わらなければならないと強調していた.
(結論)『ヒポクラテス全集』では, 多数の内科治療が記述されていたが, 外科治療も重視されていた. ヒポクラテスは“宣誓”で初心医師の入門時の戒めとして, 尿路結石に対して, 経験のない治療を禁じたのであって, 外科治療を禁じたのではない.

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The recent publication of fragament of Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from Tell Ahmar (“Louvre fragment”) revealed the hitherto unkown Hittite equivalent for the name of the city Til-barsip: Masuwari—an evidnce which requires to reconsider the long debated relations between Hittites and Aramaeans in the land of Bit-Adini. A Hittite regime in Maswari prospered during the 10th century B. C. There is reason to assume to identify the “king of the land of Aram”, who conquered Pitru and Mutkinu, Assyrian colonies on the banks of the Euphrates during the reign of Ashurrabi II, with Hapatila the first king of Masuwari. In the first half of the coming century the Hittites of Masuwari came under the dominion of the Aramaeans of Bit-Adini whose last king Ahuni took the capital Masuwari (Tell Ahmar) as his own to change the name to Til-barsip, unitl it was finally conquered and renamed as Kar-Shalmaneser by Shalmaneser III of Assyria in 856 B. C.

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Récemment, nous nous sommes procurés un objet en terre cuite en forme de clou. Il est vernissé et inscrit à la tête. D'après cette inscription en cunéiforme, mais en élamite, nous pouvons savoir qu' it est fait à l'époque d'Untaš-^dGAL, roi élamite au XIIIe siècle av. -J. C. Nous conaissons qu'Untaš ^dGAL a construit Dar Untaš, Tchoga-Zanbil actuel. Là, beaucoup de clous de même forme, de même taille et de même inscription ont été trouvés, souvent en groupe ou dans un magasin. Je suis sure que notre objet est un de ces clous, à cause de la ressemblance.
A propos de l' inscription, nous ne savons pas encore comment lire exactement le nom de ce roi. La transcription de ^dGAL/DINGIR GAL est problematique. Qui est ce dieu? Quelle est la vrai lecture de ce sumérogramme? Contre Hinz qui propose de lire DINGIR GAL comme Napiriša, je prefère laisser ma transcription comme ^dGAL (mais provisoirement), car nous n'avons pas encore une attestation tout à fait sure de la lecture d. GAL=Napiriša.
Il y a encore un autre problème. Queue est la nature de cet objet? Je pense qu'il s'agit de clou de fondation. Nous essayons donc d' étudier l'origine et l'histoire du clou de fondation en Mésopotamie ancienne. Pour ce sujet, nous avons actuellement trois articles fondamentaux; ceux de F. R. Kraus, W. Hallo, R. Ellis. On pourrait supposer, d'après Kraus, que les clous de fondation étaient posés au mur du temple horizontalement au moment de construction pour mettre le “contrat” entre le dieu et le roi bâtisseur. Probablement, on avait oublié le sens original et on ne pensait plus tard qu à mentionner le nom du roi et le fait de construction. Cela s'explique ce que nous lisons dans l'inscriptions royales sur les clous. Cette tradition devait être introduite en l'Elam. Or, Untaš-^dGAL avait construit Dur-Untaš, la ville sainte avec tous ses efforts, mais la ville n'était pas achevée. Après la mort d' Untaš-^dGAL, ses succésseurs avaient laissé tomber les travaux et la ville était abandonée. C'est pourqoi qu'on a trouvé tas de clous à Thoga Zanbil sous une condition très particulière.

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欧州大陸各国は万年雪直下まで草地として利用しているのみならず, 川端, 道端のちょっとした傾斜地から高名な葡萄酒が産出されるなど, 極限までの傾斜地利用がなされている。これは単に農業土木技術によるものではなく, 背景にヘレニズムに始りローマ帝国とゲルマンとの抗争, 文化交流の結果として現在に至ったものである。ここに文化史地政史的見地から, 欧州傾斜地農業の背景を分析する。

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the question of "what is sport in the context of development". Various kinds of development assistance have been given since World War II. However, the gap between developed and developing countries is still large. As a means of solving this North-Sourth inequality, attention has been drawn to sport as a new means of development in recent years. For instance, collaborative projects have been launched by the UNDP and IOC, and also the FAO and IOC in developing countries. These projects suggest that sport has come to be accepted as a form of development assistance. The number of IOC and IF member countries exceeds that of UN member countries. Therefore these organizations have the merit of being able to integrate the developed and developing countries on a global level, through the international character of sport rules. International sport organizations place themselves at the core of the power structure and have come to enforce their power on behalf of peripheral developing countries. The paper looks closely at the background to world-wide development of integrating organizations and describes the unexpected problems that have been occurring in the developing countries.

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