This article seeks to explain the circumstances of homeless people in Osaka City and their temporal change using the concept of the social space in an urban area. The special concern here is Kamagasaki District, a typical and nationally well-known yoseba (the space served as a catchment place of day laborers for jobs regarded as relatively unskilled). Such places generally have a large number of cheap lodging houses (doyagai) for them. The homeless people in Japan, mostly single man, were called formerly runpen or furosha, and currently are known as nojukusha. They correspond to day laborers in a substantive sense.
Kamagasaki is a commonly-used place name of the neighborhood, located in the northeastern part of Nishinari-ward, Osaka City, and its extent is almost identical to that of Airin-chiku (Airin District), as is has usually been referred to by the administrative authorities, police and mass media. There is a huge day labor market centered on Airin Multi-purpose Center in this area and it is generally said that the district has more than twenty thousand day laborers, about two hundred cheap lodging houses and numerous eating houses, resulting in a distinctive landscape segregated from surrounding areas.
In the second section, previous research of yoseba is reviewd. This district has been studied as a disorganized area mainly by social pathologists in the existing literature of social science. But it mirrors a negative and passive understanding of this social space in urban area. The author here, putting emphasis on the social structural context, would like to identify a certain social space focused on the district. On this occation the actual situation concerned with the homeless is a very good indicator of the social space.
The third section is devoted to a historical explanation. In the period immediately after World War II, Osaka City's governmental measures toward the homeless was to settle disorder due to the influx of sufferers and returnees in and around Osaka Station. Nevertheless, as the district served as the place for single male day laborers during the period of fast economic growth in the 1960s, the homeless within the city tended to be accounted for primarily by Kamagasaki's day-laborers. Then, the measures were developed in the Airin regime (Airin taisei) which was established in the beginning of the 1970's, motivated by the‘riots’and still continues. The survey of occupational careers conducted in 1988 indicates that, the numbers of homeless persons rise occur in the season or months when jobs are unavailable, whereas they become laborers in the remainder.
Specific attributes are discussed in the fourth section. According to the records of the Thursday Night Patrol Party within the Kamagasaki Christian Society, there is a general tendency to seasonal size change in incidence of the homeless: they expand from April to summer and then contract. Such change is due to the job offering variation concerned with the labor force through the Nishinari Labor and Welfare Center as well as climatic condition such as temparature. Moreover, the records suggests that this change has been less remarkable within the district, while now obvious outside it. Also worthy-of-note is that, as the number of the homeless as a whole tends to decrease, the inside-the-district proportion has been lower.
In the 1988 investigation, the homeless persons are grouped into the following three length types: the long type (more than one year), the short type (less than one year), and the cyclic type, which implies repeatedly homeless and non-homeless conditions seasonally over the past years. Furthermore, such types are cross tabulated with income source and reason for becoming homeless. With regard to the source, many of the long and short types work as junk dealer (yoseya), while most of the other type are day laborers.

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Kamagasaki, located in Nishinari Ward, Osaka city, is a daily-hire laborer's concentration area, and is the space where poverty and discrimination converge. Kamagasaki, as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force (Yoseba), was 'produced' between the 1960s and the early 1970s when policies for Kamagasaki (Airin) were developed in order to cope with a series of protests by the day laborers following the "first riot" in August 1961. This paper employs discourse analysis based on the concept of the construction of place and institutional practice and examines the construction of exclusionary boundaries enclosing daily-hire laborers in the process of the 'production' of Kamagasaki as Yoseba.
The mass media began to represent Sanno-cho as a "violence zone" focusing on the prostitution problem after the enforcement of the Anti-Prostitution Law in 1958. In this context, the mass media represented adjoining Kamagasaki as a slum, focusing on the problem of poor families. Nishinari became a place name to signify these areas as a whole. When the "first riot" took place in this context in August 1961, these representations were repeated and the "first riot" was reported as "violence".
Moreover, the process of constructing place intensified the confrontation between daily-hire laborers and their neighbors. The neighbors also felt discrimination because these place names and their representations were extensively circulated by the media reports about the "riot" and the resultant policies. Therefore, it became necessary to stop using these symbols, and a new place name, Airin, was created and given to the place that was formerly called Nishinari or Kamagasaki.
After 1960, institutional practices followed such discursive transformation. In the first stage (1960-1961), the objective of policy was to improve the living conditions of poor families. In the second stage (1961-1966), it became the objective of policy to distribute families and to institutionalize and to supervise the daily-hire labor market, because it was necessary to cope with the "riot". In the third stage after 1966, when Kamagasaki was specified as the Airin District, comprehensive planning to make Kamagasaki a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force was instituted. At this stage, the state promoted the policies and assessed the existence of day laborers positively from the viewpoint of the necessity to secure a labor force. The Airin General Center and The City Rehabilitation Clinic were embodied as the objective of such policies.
Meanwhile, the cheap inns, as the habitation space of the daily-hire laborers, were renewed in the 1960s, in expectation of an inflow of the labor force which was needed to build the site of the International Exposition in 1970. That increased the capacity of the inns and narrowed their size. On the other hand, day payment apartments and squatter huts decreased in number at that time and, therefore, the habitation space for families was reduced. This change of space transformed Kamagasaki into a space exclusively for single daily-hire laborers.
The boundaries of the Airin District reflected the representation of Kamagasaki created by discursive formation. It became institutionalized, which reproduced severe exploitation and poverty by being defined as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force. This spatial boundary construction reproduced itself socially between the daily-hire laborers and their neighbors.

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近年の人文地理学においては，場所は以下のように再定義されている．第1に，場所は内的な差異と争いに満ちている．第2に，場所とはさまざまな相互関係の結び目として形成される．本稿では，日雇労働市場として知られる簡易宿所街「釜ヶ崎」を事例として，以上の場所の定義を検証する．1970年代の「釜ヶ崎」においては，労働運動と地域住民という集合的アイデンティティが互いに対立しながら表象され，このような差異や争いの中で「釜ヶ崎」や「あいりん」という地名は社会的に再生産された．また，2000年代については，コミュニティ運動や地域経済の再生の活動では「萩之茶屋」「新今宮」という地名が再発見される一方，アート運動の活動においては「釜ヶ崎」という地名が新しく意味づけられている．これらの地名は，場所の内側と外側を結びつける主体の能動的な働きにより生み出されている．また，その中には，境界を多数化させる作用が見出される．

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