本研究では，藤田嗣治の《アッツ島玉砕の図》と，靉光の《風景［眼のある風景］》，長野県に所在する‘無言館’に展示されている没画学生の作品との比較鑑賞授業を行い，授業後の生徒の感想から，「戦争画」鑑賞授業の意義や効果を考察するものである。鑑賞にあたっては3つの視点（①作者の視点，②鑑賞者の視点，③現代の視点）を設定した。特に②の鑑賞者の視点であるが，《アッツ島玉砕の図》と，靉光の《風景［眼のある風景］》は当時のメディアや軍部の視点を，‘無言館’に展示されている没画学生の作品ついては，当時の身近な人たちがどのように感じたのか，一画学生が無名であったからこそ家族や友人の思いも含み，「戦争画」を多角的に捉える授業展開を行った。この授業を通して，戦時中に立ち位置の違う画家たちの思いを汲み取り，現代に生きる自分たちの課題に気づき，自分の未来像についても考えようとする様子が確認できた。

中村真一郎、大岡信らによれば、第二次大戦下、『建礼門院右京大夫集』は若者に愛読されたという。背景には、一九三九年、冨山房から上梓された佐佐木信綱校註本の存在、さらに、佐藤春夫、舟橋聖一らによる女性向け雑誌上での執筆活動があった。昭和一〇年代、建礼門院右京大夫は、銃後にある女性教育においてどのような役割を果たしたのか。文芸雑誌『藝苑』と、同誌に連載された舟橋「小説 右京大夫」を手がかりに考えてみる。

　本論文は, 日露戦争からアジア太平洋戦争期 (1904～1945) までの「慰問袋」募集・送付活動について, 数量の推移や仕組みの発達を明らかにすることを目的とし, 慰問袋の募集と送付に関する新聞記事, 新聞広告, 業界紙, 団体機関誌, 軍事後援団体の報告書等を収集し, 分析した.

　慰問袋の数量の推移については, 日露戦争や日中戦争だけでなく, 東北九州災害や青島攻略, 関東大震災でも多数の慰問袋を送る活動がおこなわれており, 単線的に増加したわけではないことを明らかにした.

　慰問袋の変遷は, 日露戦争時を発生期, 東北九州災害・第一次世界大戦から関東大震災までを発達・完成期, 「満洲事変」から日中戦争・太平洋戦争前期までを拡大・定着期, 太平洋戦争後期を衰退期とみなすことができた. 東北九州災害から関東大震災までの時期 (1914-1923) が, 慰問袋募集・送付活動の仕組みの成立にとっては重要な時期であることがわかった.

　慰問袋募集・送付活動の仕組みは, 慰問袋の送り手は女性男性子ども大人を問わず個人であり, 取扱機関は婦人会・青年団など地域の団体や, 学校, 百貨店, 製薬・製菓などの会社, 新聞社であり, 手続き方法は上記の取扱機関に手製または購入した慰問袋を持ち込む, 店頭で購入と同時に送付を申し込む, 新聞社などに代金を寄付する, のいずれかであることが明らかになった.

After the Potsdam Declaration, the Japanese government had to decide on the treatment of former military educational institution graduates (hereinafter referred to graduates), while attempting to transform the country’s self-image from “Imperial Japan” to “Democratic Japan”. The Ministry of Education tried to transfer many graduates to other schools. However, various discussions over the measure developed. This paper clarifies the formation of the measures for graduates in early postwar Japan by focusing on the trend of “demilitarization” and “democratization” and its scope.

In August 1945, the Ministry of Army and Navy began to negotiate with the Ministry of Education to transfer graduates to other schools. As a result, the Cabinet decided upon “preferential transfers” for graduates. However, when students started to criticize and CIE (Civil Information and Education Section) started to intervene, preferential transfers were abolished in November. “Restrictive transfers” that limited the number of graduates to ten percent of a school’s capacity was determined in February 1946. Nevertheless, opinions criticizing restrictive transfers or insisting upon the necessity of re-education appeared. In addition, the discrepancy between the text of the Constitution of Japan and the Fundamental Law of Education and the measures was pointed out.

As described above, the measures were formed through “consultation” and “crossbreeding” with the Ministry of Army and Navy, the Ministry of Education, and CIE. The scope of “demilitarization” was interpreted differently by each organization, so that “demilitarization” and “democratization” developed a relationship of mutual conflict and reliance. It may be considered that the achievement of “demilitarization” and “democratization” was hindered, thus affecting later historical developments.

　“U.S. Military Base Issues in Okinawa” refers to the issues and problems

caused by the presence of U.S. Military bases in Okinawa. People living in

Okinawa have been tormented by accidents and incidents caused by the U.S.

Army. The U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement has prevented inhabitants

as well as national and local governments from taking effective action to solve

the problems caused by the U.S. Army. This article reports how the regional

newspaper“ Ryukyu Shimpo” has grappled with such issues and problems.

　　Right before the outbreak of the Pacific War, the then-Japanese government

forced “Ryukyu Shimpo” to be integrated with other papers into “Okinawa

Shimpo” as the single regional newspaper published in Okinawa. After

the integration, the newspaper cooperated with the government to fight the

war and played the part to raise the fighting sprits of inhabitants. The lesson

that people working for the newspaper learned from the experience during the

war was that “we must not write to help the government wage a war again.”

With this principle in mind, the journalists working for“ Ryukyu Shimpo” tackle

the issues concerning the presence of the U.S. Military bases. On the other

hand, the national government of Japan apparently learned how to successfully

control public opinion from its experience during the war period.

　　The suffering caused by the stationing of the U.S. Army began at the

moment when the Japanese government abandoned Okinawa and provided the

United States with the most southern prefecture in Japan as a military base in

exchange for the restoration of the sovereignty of mainland Japan. The message

issued by the Japanese emperor regarding the Okinawa War confirmed

that Okinawa was sacrificed for the restoration of Japan’s sovereignty. Even

after the U.S. government handed over Okinawa to the administration of Japan,the Japanese government requested that the U.S. government maintain their

military bases and that the U.S. keep them in Okinawa. This is why people in

Okinawa have been tormented by the problems that the U.S. Army causes.

　　“Ryukyu Shimpo” has repeatedly reported the issues and problems concerning

the U.S. bases. It constantly reports the unfairness and unjustness of

the U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement and campaigns for its revision. The

national news media, however, are not so eager to report the issues in Okinawa

caused by the U.S. Military bases.

　　The current Abe Cabinet put the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated

Secrets into force, which is argued to have the consequences of shrinking

the activities of journalists. In Okinawa, journalists were exposed to pressure

from the national government. A notable incident occurred in which journalists

were detained at the site of their coverage of the Okinawa U.S. bases. While the

spirit of the Japanese Constitution that stipulates the renouncement of war is

faltering, the raison d’être of journalists are called into question.

日本近代文学におけるメディア検閲は、近年もっとも関心を持たれている研究テーマの一つである。第二次世界大戦の戦前・戦中・戦後を通じて文学活動を展開した作家は、内務省とＧＨＱ／ＳＣＡＰ（連合国軍最高司令官総司令部）の検閲と無縁ではなかった。本稿では、改造社編集者であった木佐木勝の日記を手がかりに、横光利一『旅愁』刊行の過程に照明を当てながら、アメリカ軍占領期事前検閲と改造社文芸出版とのせめぎ合いの一端を考察した。

『萬葉集』の防人歌「今日よりは顧みなくて醜の御楯と出で立つ我は」（巻二十・四三七六）は太平洋戦争下では、国民が天皇に命を捧げ国を護る決意を述べた歌として流布した。しかし、日中戦争の聖戦短歌では「醜の御楯」は〈銃後〉の人々が、兵士となった肉親や友人との別れを受け容れるための兵士の理想像に止まっていた。それは「顧みなくて」を〝家も身も顧慮しない〟とする久松潜一の解釈に基づいている。太平洋戦争開戦に当たり情報局次長奥村喜和男がその理想像を、〈銃後〉の人々にまで拡大して尽忠を求めたのである。