This paper is devoted to give examples of the “Gozoku” settlements and moated settlements iii several districts of Japan, and to descrike the regional differences in scale, structure, physiognomy, subordinate relations and place names of the “Gozoku” settlements.
It follows that the “Gozoku” settlements in the mountainous districts are different from those in alluvial fans in Iwate Prefecture. There are differences in scale, physiognomy and economic life between setlements in the Tohoku district and in Plokuriku district located in the alluvial fans. Particularly the “Gozoku” settlements in the Kinki district are completely different from those in the Tohoku district in the form, settlement of place name, subordinate relations through their history of development. Moated settlements have their own respective origins and functions. These settlements are considered to be largely affected by their own regional characters.

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At Present an important theme in historical research of the Han dynasty is how the nature of the state's power in the Qin-Han Imperial Period known as personal rule was determined by two sets of production relations. That is, the production relations between the state and the peasantry 小農民 -production relations of the peasantry and the production relations of Powerful Clans versus domestic slaves and Jiazuomin 仮作民 -production relations of Powerful Clans. This article takes the production relations of the former as the dominating relations of production which have the realization of personal rule as a premise. Production relations of the latter are considered from the viewpoint of the regionality of the power of Powerful Clans that have been prescribed as production relations of a secondry nature by the former. An arrangement according to the Jun Xian 郡県 administrative divisions of the distribution of the surnames "Daxing 大姓" and "Haoxing 豪姓" recorded in the literature, and of the surnames that can be recognized as and presumed to be a continuing lineage in the Former and Later Han period, has revealed that there were three regional characteristics of Powerful Clans in the Han dynasty. First, Guandong 関東, Jianghuai 江淮, and Bashu 巴蜀) were the regions where the break up of communal society and the growth of Powerful Clans as great landowners was conspicuous. The growth of local Powerful Clans could not be confirmed in Guanzhong 関中 or the Jun 郡 on the border regions in the north and south. Powerful Clans in Guanzhong and the Jun on the northern border regions were moved to the Lingyi 陵巴 and national boundary districts situated in the channel irrigation regions as a link in the policy of suppressing Powerful Clans. Second, there was a concentration of Powerful Clans in the Old Xian 旧県 that orignated from Yi 巴 communal society in the Guan-dong 関東 and Jianghuai 江淮 regions where the growth of local Powerful Clans power was most marked. Third, there was a time difference between the growth of Powerful Clans in regional areas. It took place in the three regions in the following sequence Guandong, Jianghuai and then Bashu. In particular, attention should be paid to the second characteristic. That is to say, we cannot understand it as the growth of Powerful Clans from the disengagement of the peasantry which in turn came out of the dissolution of communal society. The management of the peasantry arose as the dominating relations of production in the New Xian 新県 which were established by the power of the state after the Warring States period. On the other hand, we should consider the Powerful Clans as secondary production relations in the Old Xian 旧県 that grew out of the disintegration of the Yi 巴 communal society.

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There is a type of houses which are surrounded with moats. Such house type is old in its origin and has undergone historical changes. The writer investigated such houses in the lower reach of the Abukuma river and classified their functions into the moats for defense, those as protection from floods, and those for both purposes combined. Such are the functions of the moats in days when the type of residence was originated, and some of the functions are still preserved to this day.

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The study of the settlements of powerful families in the middle age has been hitherto neglected, yet I think that it is of great historical and geographical significance.
The Settlements of powerful families called “Doijyo” were erected about the 14th or 15th Century. They are classified into three patterns. 1. a single enclosure style. 2. a, single moat and plural enclosures style. 3. double Moats and plural enclosures style. The settlements belonging to the second style were of the intermediate one between the first and the third. The settlements of the first style were the small-scale residences established below mountain castles and were chiefly distributed at the foot of the mountains. The settlements of the third style were mostly found in the plain. Each of the settlements of powerful families inn the Middle Age was the organic center of their own territory and an agglomerated settlement was formed around it, absorbing and drawing non-farming settlements ; but it remarkably contained the elements of dispersed settlements because of the feature of land system.
In the 16th century, the function of the settlements of powerful families underwent remarkable changes. In war tune, local powerful families were organizedd into the retainer groups of a feudal lord. The part that each of the settlements of powerful families had, performed as the center of the district was completely denied and made rapid changes. The great fortress was released and the vast area was changed to cultivated land., the residence being left alone at the corner of it. The feudalistic power of the powerful families, however, is symbolized by the landscape of the peculiar residence surrounded by clay walls. Having lost the function as the center of the district, each of the settlements of powerful families in those days became only a large-sized residence in its character. It was this residence that was called “Doi”.
In the 17th century Japanese castle cities were established. Since local powerful families were forced to move the new cities from their villages, their traditional residences in them completely decayed. The Japanese castle cities of the late Feudal Age were founded on those powerful families having been forced to move in there from their own local territory.

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Gozoku-yashiki-mura is a village type originated from the premises of local powerful families in the southern part of Tohoku district. The origin of the older ones of them goes back to Heian period (8-12 centuries), and in some places the sites of residence of still earlier period are well preserved. Many of the rulers of early days who were the heads of the mansions became the farmers later, and settled in this part of the country. Their ways of living are to be surmised by the remaining earthen walls, moats surrounding the mansions, family shrines and the like.
The question is why this kind of powerful families could have survived through long ages in this particular district like a cultural fossil. It is partly explained by the remoteness of Tohoku district which enabled them not to be too much influenced by the changes in the center. It is also because the feudal lords of later period adopted the policy to take advantage of their influence over local people, so long as it was not against their own interests.
We can surmise the development of rural settlement here, through the analysis of present aspects of such premises. These are the grounds some 55 X 55 meters large, surrounded by moats and earthen walls. Some of them are even larger, and near them there lived their hereditary retainers called Nago or Fudai. Besides the historical reasons, here to be noticed is the existence of conditions for the preservation of such a way of living. The general nature of landform here is a very gentle slope, which developed some local habits different from most parts of this country. Such are the habit of using stream water for drinking, and that to let the rubbish flow into the fields as fertilizer, by means of irrigation canals. These habits all put together, helped to make the disseminated village an economically favorable type of settlement.

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A mansion of village lord (Gozoku-Yashiki) has become the core, from which a scattered settlement had been grown; the reserch made by Dr. Makino was an leading study, to which the writer would like to criticize.
Aaccording to his own investigation on the mansions of Gozoku in the north-eastern districts of Japan, it will be possible to find in a way the center point in their “Concentrated Villages”. He has an idea that especially in the north-eastern districts there are many types of the settlements of village lord.

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In Korea there was a system which was called the " Gun-ken " system as well as in China. It was similar to the Chinese one in its form, but very different in its substance. The " Gun-ken " system of China was a system of the local administrative division, but the Korean one indicated the grade of resident castles of the powerful or the less powerful kindred communities, so that it showed the title of the status. It was a hierarchal organization of the powerful and the less powerful kindred commu-nities as a whole state. This organization consisted of many communities such as " Shu " (_??_), "Fu" (_??_), " Gun " (_??_), " Ken" (_??_), " Kyo " (_??_), " Bukyoku (_??__??_), etc.. In order to prove this issue we must research into the " Gun-ken " system from variaus points. As the first step to our study this article intends to prosecute the research on the formation process of " Fu " system at the time of the early " Koryo " dynasty, and to clarlify that "Fu" was the appellation of the resident castle of the powerful kindred community, to whom variaus kindred communities were subordinated in a hierarchal order.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the relation between architecture and Shinto-ceremonies in the Hinokuma-Kunikakasu-jingu main shrine, according to an old manuscript written in 1399,the "Hinokumagu-Nenju-Shinjiki". But with respect to many ceremonies,this manuscript does not mention the place and the movement of Shinto-priests,and so one can not understand the definite significance of some ceremonies.For the reasons stated above, it is difficult to suppose the correct conclusion. Therefore,at the end of this paper,a hypothesis about the axis of shrine is postulated.

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The administrative area of Kohri, the early form of ‘county’ in late seventh century Japan, has been regarded as a succession to the territory previoasly held by a specific powerful clan. This thought is based upon the fact that many Kohri were established according to the applications by the clans. However the existence of such applications did not always mean that the territory of Kohri coincided with that of the clan, and the relation between the territory of Kohri and that of the powerful clan has not yet effectively been inquired.
In this paper, the author has surveyed the distribution of ancient tombs and has reexamined the folklore on the powerful clans in the provinces of Tango, Wakasa, Hitachi, Ise and Harima. As a result, Kohri can be classified into four types: A) those consisting of the area ruled by specific powerful clan; B) those containing the area ruled by specific powerful clan as a part; C) those containing the areas ruled by plural powerful clans; D) and those not containing the specific areas ruled by powerful clans. Among these types, the old image of the territory of Kohri assumed they were all type A. However it is remarkable that there were many cases of types B, C and D. This means that the territory of Kohri was demarcated not only by succeeding to the territory of a specific powerful clan, but also by following a policy of the ancient state.
Examining historical records, it has been found that type B was standard, but A was not. The process of the establishment of Kohri is summarized as follows: (1) In 646, members of specific powerful clan (Kuninomiyatsuko) in each area were appointed as local government officials, and new local administrative districts were established. (2) Considering the number of Kuninomiyatsuko, the territories of these local administrative districts might be wider than the areas originally ruled by them. (3) In 649, these local administrative districts were rearranged to Kohri. (4) Consequently the type B is regarded as the basic type of Kohri, and other types are later versions which evolved in the period of re-dividing Kohri in and after 653. (5) It is supposed that powerful clans, who missed the positions of officers of Kohri in the first stage, demanded such positions for keeping their powers in their territory, or that the necessity arose to control the territory of Kohri more smoothly.
The territory of Kohri is fundamentally a region that was formed by the political intention of the ancient state, and the character as a formal region is stronger than that as a substantive region.

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In Iwate Prefecture, fortress ruins are densely distributed in Higashi Iwai-gun, former part of Sendai Territory, and abruptly less in the areas of former Nambu Territory over the territory border.
The reasons for this are summarized as follows:
Higashi Iwai-gun was (a) dividual into several independent areas by its land feature, (b) favored with a lot of gold mines, and (c) occupied by samurais of Sendai feudal clan.

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