2年目に入ったトランプ政権の対アジア政策では，対中強硬姿勢があらわになった。中国をアメリカの戦略的競争相手と明確に位置づけ，とりわけ通商政策において，知的財産侵害などに対する制裁措置として追加関税を次々と発動するなどの実行策がとられた。トランプ政権は，こうした中国との対立を念頭に，インド太平洋地域の同盟国・パートナー国重視の姿勢を明確にし，経済・安全保障の両分野において，域内諸国への積極的な支援を行った。

米中対立を反映し，11月のアジア太平洋経済協力会議（APEC）首脳会議は，同会議として初めて首脳宣言で合意できないまま閉幕するなど，両国関係の展開は，域内秩序全体を揺さぶることとなった。

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It has been acknowledged the South Viet-Nam National Front for Liberation was a organ of the Vietnam Workers' Party during the war against United States in the 1960's. What this paper points out is how the NFL was founded and how the southerner supported this mass organization through out the 60's and 70's.
First, the Vietnam Workers' Party Central Committee at its Fifteenth Enlarged Plenum in January 1959 decided to launch a political struggle combined with a armed struggle to liberate the South. It was the first attemptby the Party to open the way to liberate the South with violence since the signing of the Geneva Agreement in 1954. The draft of the Fifteenth Resolution was written by General Vo Nguyen Giap consulting with Le Duan.
Ho Chi Minh in his directive stated that the immediate task was to overthrow the Ngo Dinh Diem regime, to form a coalition democratic government in the South for the purpose of securing national independence and achieving national unification.
The Party re-opened its second Fifteenth Plenum in May 1959 and directed the implementation of the Fifteenth Resolution. On May 18, Bo Tu Lenh 5-59 was set up to open logistic lines to the South, which would become popularly known as Ho Chi Minh Trails.
The Party set up the Central Office of South Vietnam and the Vietnam People's Revolutionary Party before the formation of the NFL. This party was actually indentical to the Central office organization. Then the Party Politbureau decided to found a mass organization in the South.
The NFL held its first ordinary Congress in February of 1962 with participation by mass organizations in the South. However, the the Front was led by Party members including Nguyen Huu Tho, chairman of the Front.
Second, there were the anti-colonialism resistance movements, clandestine communist activities in particular, in the Deep South during the French colonial regime through 1930's to 40's. Tran Van Giao and Nguyen Thanh Son, both eminent Party leaders in control of almost all southern revolutionaries including Cambodian communists, led the protracted resistance movements against both the French and Americans. Tran Van Giao, leader of the Hau Giang Committee, had been operating during the 30's to 40's, in the Deep South as far as Phnompenh, the capital of Cambodia.
Just after the August Revolution, when they failed to topple the Saigon regime, they fled to Cambodia and organized resistance movements urging the people in the South to join patriotic movements to unite Vietnam under a national democratic revolution.
Meanwhile, Nguyen Thanh Son led Vietnamese and Cambodian communists in launching a war of resistance against the French in Cambodia. These two cores worked together to achieve national democratic revolutions in Vietnam and Cambodia.
These clandestine movements in the South reappeared with the participation by many patriotic people in the NFL founded in 1960. The NFL itself was an oragan of the Workers' Party, yet many southerners still joined the Front and played an important role in fighting the United States.
Soon after the fall of Saigon in 1975, the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the Viet-Nam Alliance of National, Democratic and Peace Forces were united to the Government of North Vietnam, and to the National Fatherland of Vietnam respectively. The NFL, which was the core of those two organs, was dissolved in 1977. However, among the Party members in the South, there are some leaders who still claim that the Front was not an absolute organ of the Party and remain at odds with the North over the dissolution of PRG.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the formation process which successfully created the Convention to Ban Anti-Personnel Landmines and thus think about the implication of this process. The formation process of this convention was unique in that middle-and small-power countries and civil society effectively cooperated to realize this convention. In addition to this, the discourse “AP landmines are inhumane and should be abandoned” was put up, and countries which could not agree with this disquisition were excluded from the convention negotiations. This exclusive process made it easier to form a very stringent convention to ban landmines. However, one problem with such a process is that the number of participants was severely limited since countries which could not agree with the discourse were not permitted to attend the negotiations. In fact, only 50 countries attended this process from the beginning, and as such, this process was criticized as being too idealistic.
But as a result of active campaigns by propelling countries and NGOs, support for the discourse put up at the negotiations gradually spread. This discourse found great favor among public opinion, for the inhumanity of landmines could be easily understood. With this strong public support, this discourse has become the dominant view of landmine issue, replacing the former prevalent discourse that “AP landmines are legal and indispensable weapons for national defense”. This change of the paramount discourse about the landmine issue may be one reason why more than 130 countries signed the convention despite its strict criterion.
However, whether the dominant discourse really affected the decision by many countries to sign the convention remains unclear. To further examine this, I have attempted to grasp the general characteristics among signatories by using a statistic method, namely logistic regression. Also, I examined some countries' decision-making process about landmine issue to complement the statistical analysis. The results of the regression as well as the analysis of each country's decision-making process are consistent with the above hypothesis that the dominant discourse played an important role in spurring many countries to sign the convention. It follows from this analysis that the unique formation process of the Convention to Ban AP Landmines could be applied to other issue areas, especially in issue areas of interest and importance to civil society.

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