Japan has many small shrines located at street corners, near farms and fields, and in the mountains. This paper discusses how small shrines in Tokyo brought about changes in the early “Meiji period (1868-1912)” that drastically reformed the Shinto shrine system from the urban history perspective. An inspection of the actual situation of these shrines, especially “unranked shrines” is possible by analyzing the administrative documents of Tokyo Prefecture during this period.

 Firstly, there is a clarification of several legal characteristics of “unranked shrines” in the early Meiji period. Shrines, which were called “unranked shrines, ” were not shrine ranked in the modern shrine ranking system but were officially recognized by the government as Shinto shrines. “Unranked shrine” was the customary shrine ranking in order to distinguish these official shrines from unofficial ones. There were some differences between ranked and unranked shrines regarding money and administration.

 Chapter 3 reveals the situation relating to the administration of unranked shrines in Tokyo by interpreting historical documents sent by Shinto priests to the Tokyo Prefectural Government. All unranked shrines were assigned to ranked shines and a Shinto priest of the ranked shrine perform administrative and ritual duties of unranked shrines. Many unranked shrines hired shrine keepers to carry out daily work to avoid the difficulty of administration. Unranked shrines needed to bear the expense for hiring shrine keepers, holding festivals, and repairing the shrine temple.

 The first half of chapter 4 see the restoration of the process of officially regulating unranked shrines in Tokyo. Unranked shrines were regulated in stages as the ranked shrines were graded on a massive scale (four times in Tokyo). There seems to be no regularity regarding the number of unranked shrines assigned to each ranked shrine. It could be inferred that this was not decided by the shrine’s ranking or its number of Shinto priests, especially since some shrines that were graded higher ranks were not assigned any unranked shrines.

 The latter half of chapter 4 defines the relation between the administrative system of unranked shrines and the Ujiko system through analyzing the logic of the formation of the administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines by relating them to Ujiko-iki areas. The administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines did not vary in stages like the associations of shrines organized according to the shrine ranking system. Furthermore, promotion and demotion of unranked shrines were managed in each Ujiko-iki area. This shows that the administrative relationships between ranked and unranked shrines were formed based on each Ujiko-iki area. The government attempted to unify the administration of all shrines based on the Ujiko system. Believers of unranked shrines were also the Ujiko of the ranked shrines that the shrine was assigned to.

 Therefore, in Tokyo during the Meiji period, the administration of “unranked shrines” was constructed based on the dual logic of the modern Ujiko system and the actual belief of unranked shrines.

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The focus of this study is to clarify the process of the foundation of the Chosen Shrine Athletic Meeting in Colonial Korea. The results of this study are as follows: 1 ) As the Chosen Shrine Athletic Meeting needed a large ground, the Keijo ground was built on the premises. 2 ) The Chosen Sports Association organized and administered the Chosen Shrine Athletic Meeting. 3 ) The Chosen Shrine symbolizing Shintoism in which the emperor was worshipped as a living god was founded as well. And its ground-breaking ceremony was held on a grand scale. 4 ) The opening ceremony of the Keijo ground and the ground-breaking ceremony of the Chosen Shrine were held at the same time, and the opening ceremony of the Chosen Shrine Athletic Meeting was held immediately after them. These ceremonies together strengthened the festive atmosphere. 5 ) That is the way the Chosen Shrine Athletic Meeting influenced by the Meiji Shrine Athletic Meeting was organized. Both the Japanese and Korean athletes and players participated in this Athletic Meeting together, and those who made excellent records proceeded to the Meiji Shrine Athletic Meeting held in Japan.

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After the Taisho enthronement, the buildings used for the ceremony were granted to various places in Kyoto.
Upon research of receivers, it is found the buildings which still exist are in shrines and temples.
This paper shows the analysis of how these buildings in shrines and temples were converted.
By seeing the conversions in shrines and temples, we can see the surroundings of social situations of shrines and temples at the beginnings of Taisho period.
Then economic situation of citizen was very bad and ideology for respecting the emperor's throne was not stabilized yet.
Therefore, in shrines and temples asked for granted buildings used at the enthronement ceremony because of economical reasons rather than memorying the solemn ceremony.

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The religious festival called Kami-sumo has been handed down by Hachimankohyou-jinjya at Yoshitomi town in Fukuoka prefecture. Kami-sumo is acted by using puppet called Kugutsu. It is carried out every forth year. In the day of the festival, Kami-sumo is played on the sea in the morning, and in the evening, it is played on Shinbuden located in Hachimankohyou-jinjya.
The subject of this study is to describe the story of Kami-sumo and the expression that composes them today, from a viewpoint of historical description in anthropology. The myths, the data of hearing investigation and the image materials were used in this study to describe Kami-sumo.
The myths to deal with this study were found in Hachimankohyou-jinjya and Usa-jinguu. And the data of hearing investigation were collected in Hachimankohyou-jinjya in June and July, 1999. And the image materials were taken pictures in 1988 and 1996.
The following conclusions were derived;
1) Hatimankohyou-jinjya was originally composed of Okinaga-datjinguu and Kohyou-daimyoujin, but soon these two Shinto shrine were put together. The ritual for repose of souls in the sea was the first form of Kugutsu-sinji, and the transfer of the place of Kugutsu-sinji caused a change of meaning of Kugutsu-sinji.
2) The change of social system caused gradual increase of manipulators who do not have religious relationship with Hatimankohyou-jinjya. And these changes have caused the situation that it must particularly give sacredness to religious festival. For these reasons, the practice of Kami-sumo has been composed of the contents to touch God and to succeed to how to manipulate Kugutsu today.
3) The story to deepen and reconfirm faith in God Sumiyoshi is unfolding by Kami-sumo. The absolute strength of Sumiyoshi is expressed through his various techniques, his quick motion and his physical toughness. In other words, the various techniques, quick motion and physical toughness show the very important elements that composed God's sacredness.
At the end, Kami-sumo has been continued in Hatimankohyou-jinjya as a Sinto ritual that is decorated with myths. The structure that sumo is closely concerned with a story about strength of god is maintained on Kami-sumo even today, while the ritual aspect is agitated by change of manipulators.

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This study aims to analyze the space composition and approach of Shinto shrines, particularly the Kyu-Kensha shrines in Nara Prefecture, which are middle-grade shrines of the old hierarchy. Twenty-eight shrines were investigated with regard to their location,surroundings, and composition elements. The characteristics of the space composition of the shrines were argued in brief in terms of (1) their relation with geomorphic characteristics, (2) asymmetry and diagonal characteristics in their arrangement, (3) non-geometric but curvilinear features, and (4) partially view approach. It was observed that shrines with designs unrelated to their geomorphic conditions, such as those located over flat land, also had an asymmetric layout with a gap between the axes or with a winding approach. The asymmetrical space composition, usually seen in the lower-grade, small-sized shrines restricted to topography, was also found among the Kyu-Kensha shrines.

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1980年代以降，日本の宗教地理学の分野では信仰圏に関する研究が盛んに行われるようになった．これらの先行研究においては，特定の信仰の分布が疎らになる要因を「類似した属性をもつ他の信仰対象」，あるいは「近隣にある他の信仰対象」との「競合」によるものと単純に解釈する傾向にあった．そのような中で，地理学者たちは特定の信仰の分布が様々な信仰との関わりの中でどのように成立したかについて実証的に考察を行ったり，信仰対象間の「競合」とはいかなる状況を意味するかについて検討したりすることはなかった．以上を受け，本研究では山形県庄内地方の代表的な霊山である鳥海山とその崇敬者組織(講)を事例として，崇敬者に対する聞き取り調査の成果をもとに上記の点の解明を試みた．

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日本の近代国家形成が有する諸外国とは異なった特色である祭政一致国家と神社非宗教を確立させた基本概念が、神社における「祭祀」と「宗教」の分離＝祭教分離である。本論は、三次にわたり展開された祭教分離のうち、維新直後における祭政一致の理念のもとになされた神祇官の再興から廃止に至る過程と密接に関連する明治五年の祭祀行政と神社行政の分掌としての第一次祭教分離を中心に、近代祭政一致国家成立の基盤形成について考察するものである。全体の構成としては、まず明治神祇官に関して、先行研究の成果をまとめつつ、その再興から廃止までを見直すことにより、その歴史的意義を再検証する。続いて第一次祭教分離の確立を中心に、近代祭政一致国家成立における基盤形成の過程を明らかにし、最後に祭教分離が近代の国家と神社の関係に与えた具体的な影響を挙げて、その歴史的な位置づけについて論及する。

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本稿は，都市と祭礼との関係性を，社会空間概念によって再考するものである．祭礼の運営集団は，都市空間（客観的社会空間）からの制約を受け，祭礼敷地（主観的社会空間）を認知することで，祭礼を構成するモノ・コトの創造に必要な諸資源を確保してきた．近代移行期の京都祇園祭の山鉾行事では，町組改正や屋敷所有の更新など，都市空間の急激な変化に対応し，各山鉾町の町中らは，運営集団としての主体性を維持しながら，祭礼敷地を再認知した．その結果，氏子区域全域による山鉾巡行の補助制度が再編されたり，個々の山鉾の復興に必要な諸資源の確保の基準が町内において再設定されたりして，山鉾行事は存続できた．祭礼敷地の再認知のプロセスは，地域文化を創造・維持・革新する場を創出する都市の機能といえ，都市と祭礼との動態的関係性を示すものである．このような祭礼の経験が，都市空間の中に蓄積されることで，その都市の特性や気風などを創造するのである．

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