21世紀における森林と人間のより良好な関係を構築し,森林の多面的諸機能を確実に発揮する森林を造るためには,新中国成立以降現在に至る森林と人間の関係を考察し,問題点を把握し,これを克服することが必要である。本論文においては瀋陽市の林業を事例に取り,新中国成立以降の展開過程について考察を加え,その特徴と問題点を明らかにすることを研究課題としている。瀋陽市林業の展開過程を見ていくと,新中国成立以降における森林の経済的機能重視段階から今日の森林の多面的諸機能の重視段階へと転換している。しかし,この転換の過程において,不完全な森林・林業法制度,不十分な森林・林業政策および頻繁な政策転換,「地域住民参加型」の森林・林業整備システムの構築の必要性などの問題点も存在している。21世紀における持続可能な森林管理方式の確立に向けて,以上に述べた点を踏まえての地道で着実な取り組みが求められているといえよう。

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中国では乳がんの発病率が低く, 毎年約23/10万程度であるが, 女性が乳がんで死亡する率は1973年から1975年までは2.86/10万であったが, 1990年から1992年では2.59/10万となり, 9.44%に減少した。は1996年に腫瘍防治事務室を設立し, これを中心にして, それぞれの市, 県の腫瘍病院, 腫瘍科をベースにして腫瘍予防治療のネットワークを作り上げていった。大連市と鞍山市の統計データによると, 乳がん発病のピークが二つある。一つは40歳から45歳までで, あと一つは60歳以後である。では検診年齢を30歳から64歳までにしたわけであるが, 30～39歳は3年ごとに, 40～49歳は2～3年ごとに, 50歳以上は毎年一回検診することにしている。検診方法 : 各市で多方式の調査を行なってハイリスク群を再び検診し, 並びに長期観察をする。検診手段 : (1) 乳腺検査 (視診, 触診など); (2) 近赤外線検査; (3) 乳腺X線撮影。検査を二回行なって疑問がある場合はX線検査或いは活検をして診断を明確にする; (4) 自分で乳腺検査をする。これは調査期間外の乳がんを発見するためである。

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After the year of 1980, for the reform opening policy has been proceeded wholly, the economy, society, and human life also have been greatly changed. To in accordance with the economic development, large-scale education has been reformed. The focus of this paper is on the reform of curriculums. For now, in china, except the determinations in curriculums from the government, the provinces and cities have no right to set up it. For the levels of economic development and culture are quite different, the needs of education are as the same. Even though in a province, because of the intensified diversity in areas, it is hard to put the state unified curriculum into practice. The unified curriculum set by the state can hardly compromise the differences and contradictions of these areas. And the schools are in the same situations and without any characteristics. As the solutions of those problems, in the year of 1985, "the decision on the reform of educational system" was made by the Central Committee of China Communist Party and the State Department, and in the year of 1993, "the outline of educational reform and development in China" was promulgated. The core of the two items is about the decentralization of education. As the method of resolving the problems above, the state and the regions could share the educational enterprises at the basis of the unified state educational enterprise. In June of 2001, "the outline of curriculum reform of the fundamental education" was promulgated by the educational department of China, and "state education curriculum" "area education curriculum" and "school education curriculum" three steps of administration were stressed in it. For as far as the writer knows, there is no detailed analysis about the differences of area school curriculum and the state school curriculum. This paper will aim at the diversity of the curriculum reform trend in the common junior high school of China. The analyzing process will be departed into three steps. First, the paper will view the image of the curriculum reform at the state level as a whole, and analyze the reforms and the actual conditions of the curriculums that were set by the central government and the areas. Second, in order to clarify the actual conditions of the decentralization, the paper will have a study on the curriculum reforms of the areas in a comparative way. Third, the paper will study the formation of curriculum, and the organization of the special kind of study to the correspondence of the entrance examination in seven kinds of common junior high schools, in order to manifest four aspects of the ratio of the every kinds of curriculum, the contents of educational curriculum, the condition about extra lesson, and the condition about the test. This paper will also have an analysis on the policies of the educational reforms at the background of the examination education to the capability education, and make clear about the proceeded conditions of seven kinds of curriculums in the important common junior high school, the general common junior high school and the private junior high school in a comparative method.

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China introduced the nationwide unemployment insurance system (UIS) in 1986. The UIS is aimed at addressing the inevitable and growing unemployment problem resulting from market mechanisms under the reform and opening-up policy. However, it did not function properly to tackle unemployment problem as the central government had planned, with the unemployment and laid-off problem reached its peak in the late 1990s, while the UIS itself experienced several system changes.

How was the UIS conceived and constructed among central and local actors during the transition from a planned economy to a market economy? To explore the existing literature, which mainly focused on the late 1990s, this paper covers the initial period of the UIS and attempts to scrutinize the interactions between central and local-level actors. By comparing the two representative cases of Liaoning and Shanghai, this paper extracts the features and mechanism of the UIS construction process as well as the social security system in China.

The UIS, designed by the central government as a safety net to cover the fluid labor market under construction, was transformed into an enterprise-centered system during its implementation at the local level, as the local actors, including the local government, enterprises, and labor, failed to reach a consensus on the intention of the system design. Regarding the mechanism of this process, this paper argues that, firstly, the relationship and policy preference of local actors involved was still bound by the conventions of the planned economy period, such as the dependence of workers on the state-owned enterprises for livelihood security, and the allocation of labor and resources by the local government instead of the labor market. Secondly, the interest structure in the new UIS further strengthened those relationships and eventually led to an enterprise-centered system, which caused the inefficacy of both the security and market functions of the UIS. Thirdly, the interests regarding the new insurance system not only triggered conflicts between central departments but also led to a fragmented system at the local level, which was opposed to the central government’s intention of integrating social security system in this new policy area.

These political dynamics identified in both Liaoning and Shanghai suggest that, the interests relationship and interactions of local actors should be considered as essential factors that defined the restructuring of the social security system during the transition to a market economy in China.

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本稿の分析対象は，，吉林省，黒龍江省からなる中国東北地域（注1）である。その面積は78.7 万㎢で，日本の国土の約2 倍に相当する。2012 年末現在の人口は1 億973 万人で，中国総人口の8.1％を占めている。 図1に示すように，中国東北地域を見る上で重要なポイントは，北東アジア（注2） 諸国との近接性である。この地域は北東アジアのほぼ中心に位置し，北部と東部はロシアと，東南部は北朝鮮と隣接している。さらに，北朝鮮の先には韓国，海を隔てて日本がある。この地理上の利点および近年の経済高成長を背景に，北東アジア経済連携の「結節点」としても，消費市場としても，東北地域に対する注目度が急速に高まっている。 特に近年では，東北地域に的を絞った経済開発戦略が中国政府によって打ち出されている。その契機となったのは，2003 年に始動した「東北地域等旧工業基地振興戦略」（以下，「東北振興」）である。「東北振興」の主要目的は，重工業基盤と広大な農地を活用し，北東アジア諸国との経済的関係を深化させると同時に，工業並びに農業の発展を図る点にある。 その実現に向けて，2007 年8 月，東北地域の中長期経済発展目標を盛り込んだ「東北地域振興規画」が中国政府によって発表された。そして，「東北振興」をより一層具体化するために，「遼寧沿海経済帯発展計画」（2008 年），「中国図們江地域協力開発計画要綱－長吉図開放開発先導区－」（2009 年），「黒龍江と内モンゴル東北部地域国境地域開発開放規画」（2013 年）などの具体的な地域振興策が相次いで国家級のプロジェクトとして承認されている。これらの振興策の内容は，いずれも北東アジア諸国との経済連携の推進を含んでいることから，東北地域の対外経済開放に向けて，北東アジアとの幅広い経済関係の強化は不可欠であることがわかる。 そこで，本稿は，東北地域と北東アジアとの経済関係が近年急速に深化している点に着目し，以下ではまず，2003年以降の東北地域の対外貿易と対内直接投資の概要を整理する。次いで，それぞれ日本，韓国，ロシア極東地域との経済関係を分析し，その特徴を把握する。最後に，東北地域と北東アジアとの経済交流拡大に向けた課題と今後の方向性を提示する。

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中国・は、吉林省、黒龍江省と並び中国の穀倉地帯として有名であり、日本、韓国などの近隣諸国へ食料を輸出するには極めて優位な地理状況にある。そこで本研究では、の食料生産・消費の現状からシステムダイナミックス手法を用いて食料需給モデルの構築を行った。構築した食料需給モデルに1978年から2000年までのデータを用いてモデル値と実測値との検証を試みた結果、両者はよく一致した。次に、経済成長の状況を3レベル設定して、食料需給モデルに適用し、2010年までの食料生産量・消費量の関係を求め、食料の輸出可能な推定量を算出した。シミュレーションの結果、穀物、野菜ともに生産量、自給率が向上し、輸出可能量は2010年には2000年の約2倍にまで増加することが明らかとなった。

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This article examines regional economic growth and income disparities in the three north-easterm provinces of China (i.e., Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning provinces) by using such techniques of regional analysis as weighted coefficient of variation and shift-and-share analysis. Major findings are as follows. First, a shift-and-share analysis based on employment data by industry confirms that inefficiency of state-owned enterprises, especially in the heavy and chemical industry, is a major cause of the relative sluggishness of these provinces in the 1980s and 1990s. Second, regional income inequality measured by weighted coefficient of variation over the 1952-92 period presents several distinct cycles reflecting changing relative roles of each province in the development of China. Finally, a sectoral decomposition analysis using income data by industry shows the dominance of secondary industry in the determination of regional income inequality as it accounts for more than 50 percent of the squared weighted coefficient of variation over the period.

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