本研究は, 将軍家斉, 家慶の在世中, 浜御殿庭園を訪問した徳川寔子など4例の回遊利用の行動について『千世の浜松 (1826年)』などの訪問記録, 史料をもとに, 浜離宮庭園現況図に図上復原を試みたものである。図上復原の内容は,(1) 回遊ルート,(2) 庭園各部での滞留時間,(3) 各ポイントにおける利用行動等で, 利用状況を復原してみることによって, 江戸期回遊式庭園がどの様に利用されていたかを明かにすると同時に今後, 本庭園の復原事業の実施に資することとしたい。利用復原の結果と現況利用の比較から現存しない庭園施設が休息・眺望など回遊利用の上で重要な役割を担っていたことが明かとなった。

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本研究では, 日本に残る数少ない鴨場である浜離宮庭園の庚申堂鴨場, 新銭座鴨場を主たる対象として以下の3点について歴史的に考察を行なったものである。まず鴨場の基本的事項として,(1) 鴨場の構成東京周辺における分布, 起源について確認を行ない, 次に (2) 絵図面や江戸期の来訪者が記した記録などから, 浜離宮庭園における鴨場の変遷や景観がどの様なものであったかを明らかにし,(3) 浜離宮庭園における鴨場と庭園の意味について考察を行なった。

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幕末の吉田松陰（1830－1859）は「狂」の思想を重んじた。「狂」は、もとは孔子が説いた儒家の概念で、志が高く進取の気性を有することを言い、孔子の後継者を自任する孟子も好んで用いている。松陰は、「狂」を原動力として、目の前の国難に対し、天子や藩主への忠誠心、愛国心を重んじ、徹底的なナショナリズムを貫こうとした。そして、この「狂」によって、最終的には自身が重んじ、儒家の最も基本的な道徳観の一つである「孝」までも否定するに至っている。本稿は、そうした松陰の原動力である「狂」の思想と実践について、彼が兵学者として社会に立脚していたことに基づくものであることを指摘する。また、松陰の「狂」を考えることは、一般的な道徳的イメージだけでは捉えきれない松陰の人物像の一端を浮かび上がらせることにもつながるであろう。

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Whenever the Tokugawa Bakufu dispatched a newly appointed governor of Kyoto (Shoshidai 所司代) to administer the Kinai region, he would be accompanied by one of the Bakufu's senior councillors (roju 老中), a practice known a hikiwatashi jokyo 引渡上京 (lit. presentation at the capital). This practice found its roots in the original ceremony regarding shoshidai succession, which involved the presentation of a document sealed in vermillion by a senior councillor to the newly appointed governor. Originally, on the occasion of a change of appointee, the newly appointed shoshidai would arrive in Kyoto, while his predecessor was still in residence and go through a short period of transition. The practice of hikiwatashi jokyo then evolved along with a diminution in the power and authority of the office of shoshidai that occurred between the Tenna and Kyoho eras (1681-1736), and became the established precedent as the result of negotiations with the imperial court in 1717 and 1726. As hikiwatashi jokyo took root, it gradually developed into a merely formalized ritual, leading the Bakufu to ultimately decide that it was no longer necessary, resulting in its disappearance in 1806. However, the fact of senior councillors visiting Kyoto was still a practice deemed worthy by the Bakufu for such reasons as impressing upon the people of the Kinai the authority of the Shogunate in Edo. For example, the arrival of senior councillor Matsudaira Noriyasu in the capital during 1850 was met with a report presented to him by the Bakufu's Kyoto town functionary (machi bugyo 町奉行) containing information on the local economy and evaluations of the capital's aristocratic families, which the Bakufu utilized in its policy-making decisions. Moreover, the imperial court took the opportunity of Matsudaira's visit to press it views on the necessity of strengthening the country's coastal and maritime defences. It was in 1857 that the arrival of United States consul general Townsend Harris was announced to the imperial court by senior councillor Wakisaka Yasunori during a hikiwatashi mission. This last example demonstrates that during the last decades of Bakufu governance, characterized by increasing international tension and a rise in the importance of the imperial court, the practice of hikiwatashi jokyo was revived as a means of conducting negotiations with the Emperors.

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Following the publication of major newspapers addressed to the intelligentsia, there emerged a number of popular papers which were mainly directed toward the general public by the extensive use of furikana on the Chinese characters. These popular papers were relatively cheap and widely read, added an entertainment aspect to other papers, and functioned as a means of developing a new style of written Japanese. The ultimate objective of the present study is to clarify the development process of the new style of the language adopted by three representative popular papers, Yomiuri Shinbun, Tokyo Eiri Shinbun and Kanayomi Shinbun, during the period from 1875 to 1880. For this purpose, this study attempts to identify the nature and characteristics of regular readers by analyzing 8,352 letters from approximately 3,700 readers. Major findings of the present study are as follows: (1) Nearly half the letters were in fact contributed from regular readers, who accounted for a small proportion of the public. However, more than 70 percent of the contributors were residents of Tokyo, especially from the downtown sections of Asakusa, Nihonbashi, Fukagawa, and Shitaya. Of the 59 contributors for whom details could be ascertained, 57 were male and about half were merchants while the other half were of samurai origin and now professionally engaged in journalism or public service. (2) Regular contributors formed an informal support group for these papers and often gathered at the publisher in order to have direct communication. Their letters functioned as a source of news for other readers. More importantly, the conversation within the group was often directly written up as letters, thus preparing the way for the formation of a new style of written Japanese language.

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The problem of relationships between temples and their patrons (Jidan寺檀relationships), and the Jidan system is one of the most important subjects in the research or religion during the Tokugawa period, because has not only this system been regarded as the most important feature of religious policy, but also the relationships characterize Buddhism sects, temples, and priests. However, the meaning of the policy has yet to be clarified, although it has been recognized as an important issue. In order to make the meaning concretely clear, legal acts and precedents must be analyzed or re-analyzed and case studies carried out on jidan relationships. In this article, the author has analyzed and reanalyzed particularly about laws related to the "one household-one temple institution" (ikka-ichiji-sei一家一寺制), an institution demanding that every member of a household must be a patron of one temple. At first, the "one household-one temple institution" was not stated legally. The Tokugawa government locally enforced laws that lead to the "one household-one temple institution" from the mid-18th century. And, in 1827, the government locally declared that the "one household-one temple institution" was proper. However, this declaration was a reaction to the actual situation rather than positive policy. Then, in the Shibata新発田 domain, from the end of the 18th century, the local government enforced laws that lead to the "one household-one temple institution", to prevent trouble concerning jidan relationships and carry out the registration of community members more smoothly. However, in 1828, the Shibata government enforced a version of the Tokugawa government's 1827 law, consequently legitimating the "one household-one temple institution". The author concludes that laws related to the "one household-one temple institution" were reactions to actual conditions. In disputes over jidan relationships, any agreement among the litigants was respected by political authorities. So, contrary to previous researches, it is difficult to consider that these laws were enacted with positive political intensions, such as to control the formation and the condition of households.

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