札幌医科大学総合情報センターは2006年4月，附属図書館と附属情報センターの統廃合により新設された組織である。当センターは北海道立の機関の使命として学内所属員はもとより，北海道内に在住する地域医療従事者の学術コミュニケーション活動を支援することを目的としている。目的達成のために当センターが取り組む事業は，医学医療情報発信のための学内ネットワークなどのインフラ整備や学術コンテンツシステムの整備をはじめさまざまなものがあるが，学術コミュニケーションの推進の点において特に旧附属図書館が実施してきた文献情報提供支援を重要な事業として位置付けている。本稿では当センターが実施する文献情報提供による地域医療従事者サービスについて学術ポータルシステムの概要を交え，報告するとともに，今後の文献情報提供支援の推進において当センターが取り組むべき課題について述べることとする。

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札幌医科大学附属図書館は1999年6月,国内初となる異種データベース間連携システムの運用を開始した。アイヌ語で可愛いを意味し,""と名付けられた当館システムは米国国立医学図書館の"IAIMS"をモデルとし,利用者サービスの一元化と地域医療支援サービスの質的向上を目的としていた。2002年7月,は,Ex Libris社の図書館ポータルシステム"MetaLib/SFX"を中心としたシステムに移行したが,地域医療支援サービスの利用者は北海道全域に拡大し,サービスの質的向上の重要性をあらためて示した。本稿では学術情報ポータルシステム""の概要とともに,開発に関わった当館職員の役割について述べる。

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According to the standard literature, the Ainu are indifferent to ancestor worship, as evidenced by the fact that they do not visit the graves of the dead. This judgement is mistaken. It will be shown here that they practice the worship of the souls of their ancestors with no less proper ceremony and frequency than other peoples. The ceremony in question is divided into two categories : nurappa and shi-nurappa. (1) When the Ainu brew a small quantity of sake, or they are presented with it, they hold a small-scale nurappa. (2) Periodically in spring and autumn, and most ceremoniously in winter, each family of the village brews a large quantity of sake and invites many relatives and neighbors and holds a large-scale shi-nurappa. These ceremonies may be performed by themselves or as part of other religious services such as the iomante (bear-festival). Since the dead are considered deities who live in the subterranean divine land in the same way as they did on earth, the souls of the ancestors should be worshipped along with other deities, and other deities are usually worshipped along with the souls of the ancestors. The ceremony for the souls of the ancestors is performed before a special altar, which is erected between the sacred window on the east side of the house and the nusa-san altar in front of the window (Fig.3 on p.53). One male and several females participate in the ceremony. The former is the family-chief, or a representative of his who is aged, eloquent, and well versed in ritual formulae, and should belong to the patrilineal descent of the male ancestors of the family ; the female participants have, as a rule, the same upshor forms (s. p.69) as those of the female ancestors being worshipped on that occasion, that is to say, they belong to their matrilineal descent. The male worshipper erects ceremonial shaved sticks (inau), makes libations, offers prayers to the ancestral souls, and crushes sake-lees, tobacco, cakes, and other offerings in his hand and scatters them around. The female participants also take these offerings in their hand, and crush and scatter them ; in former days, however, they seem to have offered prayers, too. After this the women have a drink by themselves, eat some of the offerings, and dance solace to the ancestral souls ; in the house the men have a feast toward nightfall. Another prevalent misconception is that Ainu women are not qualified to participate in religious ceremonies. Therefore, it is all the more significant that in fact the matrilineal female descendants worship the souls of their female ancestors during these ceremonies. One of the chief findings of our 1951 joint research on the Ainu is the fact that in their social structure matrilineal descent prevailed for females and patrilineal descent for males. The author intends to take this peculiar feature of their social structure into consideration in analyzing their religious rites and ceremonies.

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At Dokkyo Medical University Library, we propose to introduce the Link Resolver, which allows easy search and easy access to the searched documents, for the convenience of the users.
However, there was the journal article written about Link Resolver, but the journal article written about introduction was not found.
In this article, we compiled the process that our library passed through by introduction as a case report.
We examined what kind of product was released, and we compared each system and looked for each characteristic, the advantages and disadvantages.
Last we outline the settings required before entering the contract, the publicity work required, measures for maintenance, and the protocol of a survey of users' reactions.

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The study of the language or foklore of the tribe may suggest what kind of the climate their ancestors experienced in the past. The author has tried to discover this from a study of the Ainu language and its oral tradition.
The Ainu language, like English or Japanese, does not have many different morphemes for snow or ice when compared with Eskimo or Manchu. In some of “Yukar” legends of the Ainu, the serpent is thought to be a kind of taboo among the ancient Ainus. The snake was an alien creature, inhabiting no single category of the Ainu configuration of nature (sky, mountains, land, and water), but forever acrossing the boundaries between them.
It is thus inferred that the ancient Ainus had some contact with snakes, animals that can hardly survive in the absence of a warm summer. From this we may venture to guess that the ancient Ainu people may have lived in a mild climate, or that the original Ainu culture might have dedeveloped in a land with a snowy winter and a warm summer. Ice and icebergs were not a feature of their world. The regions which the Ainus inhabited were sub-frigid at their coldest and there is no evidence that the Ainus had come from a very cold land such as the arctic regions.

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(I) Verbal Particles In this paper, the author discusses the particles, esp. the verbal particles, of the Saru dialect of Ainu as a part of the study of its grammatical structure. Scholars of the Ainu language so far have presented a very long list of particles. However, many heterogeneous forms are included therein. In describing language, the author's main principles are : first, since grammatical structure differs from dialect to dialect, a linguist cannot reasonably describe all the dialects en masse (as is seen in an expression such as "Ainu has such and such particles"); each dialect must be studied separately ; second, grammatical features and phonological or morpho-phonological features must not be confounded in the course of a description ; a grammatical classification of forms (into so-called "parts of speech") must be made strictly in terms of grammatical features. For this dialect, the author defines the particle as a set of grammatically defined words which always occur finally in a construction and never stand at the beginning of a sentence. According to their grammatical function (or distribution), these particles are divided into six subclasses : verbal, nominal, conjunctional, casemarking, adverbial, and final particles. There are thirteen varbal particles in this dialect, the shape, function and meaning of which are here described. It is also noted here that some verbs are often used like a verbal particle, which have commonly been classified as verbal particles by the author's predecessors.

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There are two suffixes with the same phonemic shape -no, both of which are attached to a verb.
The one (-no₁) forms a verb, adding a meaning like “very much”, “perfectly”, “sufficiently ” or “well”.
kunne-no “black-very”
tusa-no “have recovered-completely”
soske-no “can be peeled off-well or easily”
imi-no“dressed-beautifully”
The other (-no₂) forms an adverb:
-no “good-ly (well)”
wen-no “bad-ly”
tuyma-no “distant-ly”
hanke-no “close-ly”
We find a few instances of a prefix no-, which, like -no₁, means “very, completely”.
Kyosuke Kindaichi thought that -no₁ and -no₂ are etymologically the same, and the meaning of -no₁ is their original meaning. Mashiho Chiri presumed that -no₁, -no₂ and the prefix no- all come from the noun nu.The noun nu is put after a noun with the meaning of fruit, fish or animals, and means “a lot (of fruit, fish, animals obtained in gathering, fishing, hunting, etc, )”: cep-nu koan.“He got a lot of fish.”
There are several verbs derived from a noun with a suffix -nu, which mean “to have, get or produce N”:
run-nu (<rur-nu)“sea water, soup-have (salty)”
tures-nu “sister-have (have a sister)”
kem-nu “blood-have (bleed)”
This suffix (-nu₁) must be the same as the noun nu in etymology.
But when -nu occurs after -as, attached to a noun, it means “well” like no₁: tum-as-nu “power-work-well (strong)”-as is originally a verb. Moreover, in northern and south-western dialects -no instead of -nu occurs in the same position. Therefore, the original form of this suffix (-nu₂) should be -no₁.
We cannot tell whether -no₁/no-/-nu₂, -no₂ and nu/-nu₁ have a common etymology or not. Since the phonemic construction of Ainu roots is generally simple and the number of phonemes is relatively small, probability of occurrence of homonymous roots is relatively high, and it is often difficult to jadge whether or not two or more homonymous forms are etymologically identical.

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本論文はアイヌ語の南北海道方言における引用という文法範疇を統語的，談話機能的，歴史的，類型論的視点から体系的に記述する。先行研究においては発話の報告は単に「引用」として，あるいは直接・間接話法の対立として分析されてきた。本論文では引用の位置付けを決定する中核的原理としての人称直示形式によって区別されるアイヌ語の引用構文には3つの主要なタイプがあることを示す。

（1）直接話法：元の発話者の視点；（2）間接話法：引用者の視点；（3）準直接話法：元の発話者と引用者の視点の組み合わせ。

準直接話法においては，二・三人称の元発話者を指示する際にいわゆる「不定人称」が使われる点で引用者の視点への代名詞の調整がおこっているにもかかわらず他の指示対象は元の発話で使用されたはずの形式がそのまま現われる。このような「不定人称」の用法（田村2000: 74の「引用の一人称」）はロゴフォリックなもの（つまり，ある種の引用構文において引用者を指示する特別の形式）であると提案する。これはHagege（1974: 287）がアフリカの諸言語の例によってはじめて示したロゴフォリック性の定義に適合する。

重要なのは，準直接話法はさまざまな点で直接話法の一種と分析できないということであり，上の3つの構文は文体，あるいは談話構成上の都合で選ばれていると考えられる。ただし，民話のジャンルによっては主要なスタイルとして慣用化されているものもある。

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二次情報データベースにおいては、検索結果から一次情報へのナビゲーションが非常に重要である。また、昨今、国内でも徐々に学術論文の電子化が進み、DOIなど文献ごとに固有の識別子を使用したリンクと共に、OpenURLによるリンキングが定着しつつある。医中誌Webでは、2006年2月より電子ジャーナル等へのリンクやOPAC、リンクリゾルバ等への機関ごとのリンク設定が可能となった。本稿では、医中誌WebからOPAC、リンクリゾルバへのリンクの状況、また、OpenURLの普及状況についてまとめる。

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Grammatical persons in Ainu are expressed by both personal pronouns and personal affixes, the grammatical functions and uses of which have been dealt with in the author's previous articles. This paper discusses the meaning of each person, in other words, in what situations each person is chosen. The author concludes that the Saru dialect of Ainu distinguishes the following eleven persons:
(1) 1st pers. sg.“I” kami
(2) 1st pers. pl. excl.“we excluding you” cóka
(3) 1st pers. pl. incl.“we including you”‘a’oka
(4) 1st pers. sg. quot.“I”; replaces kani in quotations ‘asinúma’
(5) 1st pers. pl. quot.“we”; replaces cóka in quotations ‘a’oka
(6) 2nd pers. sg.“you (one)”‘e’ani
(7) 2nd pers. pl.“you (more than one)”‘eci’oka
(8) 2nd pers. honorific “you”; used by women when speaking
to men ‘a’oka
(9) 3rd pers. sg.“he, she” sinúma
(10) 3rd pers. pl.“they”‘oka’
(11) Indefinite pers.“one”
This person lacks an independent pronoun;
it is only expressed by a personal prefix.

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　新しい色名は，いつの時代でも創られている．21世紀の日本車の新色名に，「グロリアスグレーメタリックモリブデン鸞鳳（らんぽう）」や「デミュアーブルーマイカメタリックモリブデン瑞雲（ずいうん）」がある．これらは最高級車センチュリーの色名で，その塗装には日本の伝統工芸の漆塗りを参考に，層を重ね，研ぎと磨きを加えることで奥深い艶や輝きが追求されている．そして，敢えてカタカナと漢字を併用することによって，高級感が表出されている．その他にも，「シリーンブルーマイカ摩周（ましゅう）」や「ブラッキッシュレッドマイカ飛鳥」などもある．四季や時の移り変わりによる景色の変化が，車のボディカラーにも表現されており，トヨタのジャパンカラーセレクションパッケージ（12色）には，「紅，仄（ホノカ），茜色，天空（ソラ），群青，紺碧（アオ），白夜（ビャクヤ），翡翠（ヒスイ），常磐色（トキワイロ），胡桃（クルミ），黒曜，白光」が用いられている．21世紀になってから，「白夜，白光，夜霞」なども車のボディカラーとして採用され，「エモーショナルレッド」や「アティチュードブラックマイカ」のような感情を表出する色名が増加している．

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