音楽聴取の媒体が多様化し，手軽に音楽を聴くことができるようになっている一方で，音楽を長期間繰り返し聴いて楽しむことが少なくなっている。本研究では，音楽の聴き方に関するアンケート調査を実施し，音楽を聴いたときの気持ちがお気に入りになることに関係していると考えられる結果が得られた。そこで，音楽を聴いたときの気持ちを５種類のスタンプで記録することができるアプリ「Music Feelings Log」を提案する。曲を知った経緯や好きな理由などを書き込めるコメント機能も備えている。気持ちを記録して可視化することによって，音楽に対する愛着に繋がる可能性があると考える。

 So far, Inagaki Ezo who was donated the sketch book left by J. Conder has knitted an essay, and Suzuki Hiroyuki discussed the contents in "Josiah Conder no kentiku-kan to Nihon". The author has already considered the individual sketches, such as for the Nobi earthquake that occurred in October 1891, the stone survey of the parliament building conducted by Conder from 1887 to 88, and the sketch of the castle. Suzuki points out that: In the illustration used in Notes on Japanese Architecture, the first paper for the Conder read at the Royal Architect's Association on March 4, 1878, a copy of the original picture published in the sketch book was found. Here, Suzuki introduced Conder's first paper, and Suzuki thought that Conder had been eagerly walking around Japanese architecture since the spring of 1877, sketched it, and compiled this paper. In addition, Suzuki has compiled a comparison table between the illustrations of the Conder First Paper and the original drawings, and Suzuki showed that in the first paper, Conder used seven sketches from the sketchbook. In other words, Suzuki does not have a yearbook for the illustrations published in Conder's first paper, but these were drawn between Conder's arrival in January 1877 and March 1878 when the paper was published. Indicated. By the way, Suzuki did not show the time, purpose and the motivation of the original painting used in Conder's first paper. On the other hand, Conder himself wrote as follows at the beginning of the first paper.

 In venturing to connect some sketches made by me in Japan with a short Paper upon Japanese Architecture, I feel no small measure how imperfect is the knowledge that I have as yet been able to accumulate on the subject.

 Conder associated the sketch with the paper, but did not draw the sketch for the sake of the paper. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the background of these sketches and when and what buildings were drawn. This article focuses on the sketches in the sketch books by J. Conder, focusing on the original article cited in Conder's first paper. The following points are clear.

 In Conder's first paper, Notes on Japanese Architecture, eight illustrations were used, and seven can be confirmed as original drawings in Conder's sketch book. In addition, the description of May 1877 can be confirmed on one of them. Of the seven original drawings, the 6 buildings Kameido Tenjins Gate and Main Hall (part), Ueno Toshogu Karamon Gate, Asakusa Honganji Temple Hall, Hie Shrine Copper Sculpture, Zojoji Kyozo, and Bunsyo-in Reibyo Syoro. Conder imposes photocopying to the first-year students of Kobu University, which was held every Saturday at Nijubashi, Ueno Park, Shiba Park, Kameido, Hie Shrine, and others. Conder made the sketch for Kobu Daigakko's first graders, this was done every Saturday at Nijuba-shi, Ueno Park, Shiba Park, Kameido and Hie Shrine. He thought that building sketches were necessary to cultivate modeling skills. It can be considered that the original sketch used in his first paper was carried out at this time. In the Conder sketchbook, the sketch depicting the double bridge before the replacement is left.

This study examined social status as expressed in the Settan-type farmhouses, specifically in relation to cases in which the bargeboards (hafu) were not equipped.

The Settan-type farmhouse was a widespread architectural form of farmhouses in the Kinki region during the Edo period. Settan-type farmhouses have been recognized as houses that indicate the social status of their residents. This notion has been supported by the idea that only families of higher social statuses within settlements were allowed to have bargeboards on the roofs at the front sides of their houses.

I have been conducting research on the expression of social status by bargeboards on Settan-type farmhouses. During the course of my research, I have been able to confirm, in records from the Showa period, the existence of two Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped. Prior research has suggested the possibility of the existence of Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped. In addition, during my examination of old records and other written material from the Edo period, I have found an article about a house of which bargeboards had been removed. Nevertheless, no prior research has focused on Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped.

Therefore, the present study employed the following three steps. Firstly, the distinguishing characteristics of Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped, were extracted from the records from the Showa period. Secondly, written records from the Edo period and extant structures were examined to assess for the detachability of bargeboards in Settan-type farmhouses. Finally, having completed the above steps, the bargeboards of Settan-type farmhouses was discussed afresh.

The Showa-period records on Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped, revealed that the presence (or absence) of bargeboards was determined neither by floor plan type nor by year of construction. The records, however, contained passed-down information explaining

Consideration on , Settan-type farmhouses with which bargeboards were not equipped, based on the above results led to the inference that the two houses recorded in the Showa period had been rare remnants of cases that were in fact widespread in the Edo period (but had largely disappeared by the Showa period). In addition, the detachability of the bargeboards suggested that the social statuses of families expressed by the bargeboards had been fluid rather than fixed.

As such, the results of this study presented a new perspective that could supplement the understanding about Settan-type farmhouses and their historic value.

This paper proposes a new framework for analyzing the musical style of Bob Dylan in the field of social science, especially in Peace Studies, by revisiting the thoughts and theories of Paul Williams (1948-2013). First, it criticizes the various approaches that only focus on Dylan’s lyrics to determine their roots and referential or citational relations or to estimate his “true” intentions and messages in his songs. Second, based on the writings of Williams, this paper tries to examine Dylanʼs “sound” during performances, which includes everything he does in his songs (without separating the vocal and instrumental parts) and concentrates on what occurs in the mind or consciousness of the listener and the reason

After scrutinizing Williams’ arguments from 1966, when he was just eighteen, to his last writings in the early 21st century, the results in the paper show that there are three essential dimensions in Dylanʼs “sound” : 1) performance; 2) personal and intuitive understanding and experience; and 3) the concept of stopping time. Such aspects explain the interconnected relationship between his “sound” and his listeners, which is a unique but perceivable feature that is generally present in the relationship between great arts and its appreciators.

Finally, this article summarizes its argument and implications on how to deal with arts and culture in social science. According to the text of his speech after receiving the 2016 Nobel Prize in Literature, Dylan repeatedly stresses the difference between “literature” and “songs,” and always considers his creations as the latter. The implication of the findings is that, to analyze songs in social science, it is important to find different ways to understand culture and use new approaches for dealing with its various dimensions.