特集論文 / 招待査読論文
レバレッジポイントとしてのパラダイムシフトを通じた社会変革
― 乳児用液体ミルクの日本市場導入 ―
2026 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 108-116
詳細
2026 年 46 巻 2 号 p. 108-116
This study aims to develop macro-social marketing (MSM) theory by examining the process of introducing liquid infant formula to the Japanese market. MSM conceptualizes many social issues as wicked problems, characterized by self-perpetuating cycles and multilayered complexity. It emphasizes the necessity of transforming social systems through collaboration. However, its concrete interventions have largely been presented only fragmentarily as elements of systems thinking and remain insufficiently elaborated. Accordingly, this study focuses on paradigm shift—one of the leverage points proposed in systems thinking—and highlights both its significance and its practical enactment. The case analysis revealed that while the prevailing paradigm in everyday contexts prioritizes breast milk as optimal, a paradigm shift occurred in the recognition of shared challenges in emergency situations. Where breastfeeding is not possible, this enables collaboration among actors and facilitates the adoption of liquid formula. This study advances the understanding of leverage points in MSM and sheds light on the roles and challenges of government and markets in a world where competing forms of social good coexist.
本研究は，乳児用液体ミルクの日本市場導入プロセスの分析を通じて，マクロソーシャルマーケティング（MSM）理論の発展を目指す。MSMは，多くの社会問題を複雑性を持つ厄介な問題として捉え，協働による社会システムの変革の必要性を強調する。しかしながら，具体的な介入策はシステム思考において断片的に提示されるにとどまっている。本研究は，レバレッジポイントの一つであるパラダイムシフトに焦点を当てる。母乳が最善であるとする日常のパラダイムが震災下に相対化されることで関係者間の協働が可能となるとともに，マーケティング・システムと結びつけられることで液体ミルクの導入が促進された。本研究は，ソーシャルグッドが競合しうる世界における政府と市場の役割を明らかにしている。
On March 5, 2019, approximately one year before the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, Ezaki Glico Co., Ltd., launched Japan’s first liquid infant formula. The market introduction of this product followed more than a decade of debate, accompanied by legal and institutional reforms. Behind this process lie enduring cultural and moral norms rooted in the idea that breast milk is best as a form of social good—norms that remain institutionalized through WHO recommendations, government regulations, and academic discourse. They are further intertwined with economic and task norms concerning firms’ technological feasibility and profitability, forming a complex interplay (Scott & Meyer, 1994; Williams et al., 2024).
Existing research in macro-social marketing (MSM) and marketing systems has conceptualized many social issues as wicked problems characterized by reinforcing structures and multilayered complexity and has emphasized the necessity of transforming social and market systems through collaboration among diverse stakeholders (Kennedy, 2016, 2017, 2020). Previous research has shown that institutions drive and shape marketing systems (MSMs; Kennedy, 2016) and that social mechanisms and stakeholder actions lead to the coevolution of marketing systems (Layton, 2015), unlike conventional social marketing, which focuses on individual behavior change. Nevertheless, the two have not been reconciled to explore how institutional logics shape marketing systems through social mechanisms and stakeholder action fields—e.g., a paradigm shift.
This study contributes to existing research in two major ways. It highlights the importance of a paradigm shift as a leverage point in social transformation processes. Leverage points are intervention nodes where changes can exert the greatest effect on an entire system, and a paradigm shift is considered one of the most influential of these (Meadows, 1999, 2008). While MSM scholarship has emphasized the significance of leverage points in systems thinking, the mechanisms by which a paradigm shift is realized remain insufficiently understood (Fischer & Riechers, 2019; Manlosa et al., 2019). By focusing particularly on how the paradigm shift connects to up-, mid-, and downstream activities, through the lens of social mechanisms, this study demonstrates the processes through which such a shift unfolds, and unlike previous work (Williams et al., 2024), which focuses on functional system change rather than failure.
Another contribution of this study lies in demonstrating how the pursuit of social good is inherently tied to wicked problems, thereby necessitating perspectives from MSM and macromarketing research (Dholakia & Firat, 2003). Realizing social goods is a central task of social marketing, which aims to address diverse social issues—such as smoking cessation, alcohol consumption, environmental degradation, and poverty—many of which are encapsulated by the SDGs—through behavioral change and social transformation (Andreasen, 2006). However, these activities are deeply intertwined with the evolution of marketing systems and require attention to unintended consequences and externalities (Tadajewski & Maclaran, 2009). In particular, initiatives that claim to advance social good may, in the pursuit of maximizing overall welfare, risk excluding certain groups (Scott et al., 2011). Pursuing the very meaning of social good thus holds critical significance for the achievement of further social good (French & Gordon, 2015).
To explore this ongoing process of social transformation through the paradigm shift, two research questions are posed. The first examines how the paradigm shift can be theoretically and empirically understood (1-1) and how it is connected to up-, mid-, and downstream activities (1-2). Another question addresses what forms of social marketing are required when multiple forms of social good coexist. A paradigm shift may not necessarily mean the replacement of one paradigm by another but rather the possibility that different paradigms can coexist (Kennedy, 2020).
RQ1-1. How does a paradigm shift function as a leverage point?
RQ1-2. How do leverage points relate to up-, mid-, and downstream activities, and how do they influence social transformation?
RQ2. How can competing forms of social good be reconciled?
Macro-social marketing (MSM) is positioned as a comprehensive approach aimed at transforming entire social systems to address societal problems (Kennedy, 2016). Whereas conventional social marketing often focuses on behavioral change among individuals or specific groups, MSM takes as its target the broader social system, including social behaviors, norms, policies, cultural values, and economic elements, which are multilayered and interdependent. This approach goes beyond marketing strategies led by particular organizations and provides a theoretical framework for achieving sustainable social transformation (Kennedy, 2020).
MSM draws on systems theory to conceptualize society as a complex adaptive system (Layton, 2015). Metaphorically, it involves not only seeing the tip of the iceberg but also recognizing the underlying trends and patterns, thereby enabling sustainable and creative transformation (Conroy & Allen, 2010). MSM examines the formation, growth, and adaptive change of marketing systems while paying attention to their interactions with other systems (Kennedy, 2017). Consequently, an intervention that succeeds in one context may not succeed in another (French & Gordon, 2015).
Processes of social transformation emphasize the integration of upstream, midstream, and downstream activities (Kennedy, 2016, 2017). There are various perspectives on how each level is defined (Kemper & Ballantine, 2017). In this study, institutions, markets/communities, and consumers are regarded as the general levels. Upstream policy interventions have the ability to redirect the entire system through institutional frameworks such as legislation and taxation. The midstream corresponds to markets and communities where the marketing system operates. MSM focuses on the development of the marketing system and its relationship with society as a whole. Downstream behavioral change among individuals provides concrete and direct expressions of social outcomes. The combination of activities across these three layers fosters collaboration among diverse stakeholders in complex social systems. Within such multistakeholder systems, the process of coordination itself functions as part of social transformation (Kennedy, 2016).
Systems thinking proves useful for facilitating social transformation (Domegan et al., 2016; Kennedy, 2016). Systems thinking is a method for understanding how subsystems within a complex social system interact and together shape overall goals (Meadows, 1999). It is not about focusing on discrete entities but rather on relationships; not about static snapshots but about patterns of change. Systems thinking serves as a framework for perceiving elusive interconnections that endow existing systems with their distinctive characteristics (Senge, 2006). Systems thinking is the capacity to understand the interconnections among elements in ways that enable the attainment of desired goals (Stroh, 2015).
According to Layton and Duffy (2018), systems are shaped and evolve through 1) market delivery; 2) stakeholder action fields; 3) technology evolution systems; and 4) value exchange fields. However, one must ask, socialization of what? Kennedy et al. (2025) posit that change occurs through delegitimation of institutions, spurred by the introduction of alternative institutional logics. Institutional logics are historically bound, socially constructed groups of practices and symbols that shape meaning in organizational and consumption activities (Thornton et al., 2012). The combination of these two viewpoints foreshadows the need for institutional transformation to drive a paradigm shift.
Transformation in MSM is not limited to behavioral change but constitutes institutionalization—a process through which people construct a shared reality underpinned by an agreed-upon set of rules and norms of conduct (DiMaggio & Powell, 1991; Kennedy, 2016). Particularly important is the paradigm shift, which fundamentally shows a change in social norms and cultural values and is considered central to achieving sustainable social transformation through MSM (Kennedy, 2016). Cultural and moral norms serve to legitimize the behaviors of individuals and groups by grounding them in social values and ethics (Scott & Meyer, 1994). In contrast, economic and task norms provide a framework that emphasizes organizational efficiency and outcomes, supporting the accomplishment of specific tasks (Scott & Meyer, 1994). These norms initiate a paradigm shift by introducing new norms and institutional logics into the bricolage of logics considered when change is imminent. A paradigm shift occurs through cognitive and affective processes, direct surveillance and sanctions for those not adopting, and policy supporting the adoption of the new paradigm (Zald et al., 2005). An organization is seen as legitimate when it adopts the new paradigm, and it may be forced to adopt it through coercive, normative, and mimetic actions (Kennedy et al., 2025). However, concrete methods and priorities for realizing such deep-level change remain insufficiently discussed. To address this gap, it is necessary to revisit leverage points in systems thinking (Meadows, 1999).
2. Leverage points and a paradigm shiftLeverage points are “places within a complex system (a corporation, an economy, a living body, a city, an ecosystem) where a small shift in one thing can produce big changes in everything” (Meadows, 1999). The effectiveness of leverage points depends on the situation and structure of the system. With respect to systems thinking, interventions are systematically analyzed to determine which structural elements, goals, information flows, or values yield the most significant impact.
Leverage points can be classified into several categories. Meadows (1999) originally identified twelve leverage points as methods of intervention within systems. However, these overlap and can broadly be organized into four categories: parameters, feedback, system design, and intent (Abson et al., 2017).
The shallowest category, parameters, refers to interventions related to specific numerical values or settings such as taxation or subsidies, which may generate short-term changes (Abson et al., 2017). Their influence on the overall system is often limited. Feedbacks represent mid-level interventions that adjust causal loops within systems, including changes in time delays or feedback strength (Abson et al., 2017). For example, negative feedback serves as a regulatory function to maintain stability, whereas positive feedback amplifies change through self-reinforcing loops.
Deeper still, system design refers to the redesign of a system’s fundamental structures—such as information flows, rules, and self-organizing capacity—whose influence is far-reaching (Abson et al., 2017). Laws, social norms, and contractual conditions fall into this category. At the deepest level, intent involves redefining the values, goals, and paradigms underpinning an entire system. In addressing many social problems, such transformative change is regarded as essential. For instance, when the prevailing paradigm shifts from “economic profit orientation” to “sustainability orientation,” the entire system may be fundamentally altered (Tourangeau & Sherren, 2020).
Paradigm shift is considered one of the most powerful among the deeper leverage points (Abson et al., 2017; Voulvoulis et al., 2022). When such a shift occurs, the goals and structures of the entire system are redefined, and institutionalized realities are relativized (Meadows, 1999). While paradigms may appear to be the most difficult system elements to change, this is not necessarily the case. Paradigm shift is both a leverage point for social transformation and an outcome of social transformation (Ng & To, 2020).
A paradigm shift does not occur uniformly across all levels but develops differently and influences each level across interconnected leverage points (Fischer & Riechers, 2019; Manlosa et al., 2019). For example, upstream policy interventions may center on reforms to system rules or laws, midstream market and community activities may employ positive feedback loops to support the formation of norms, and downstream behavioral change among individuals may hinge on measures such as purchase subsidies or distribution volumes (Kennedy, 2017; Meadows, 1999).
Examining leverage points makes it possible to design concrete intervention strategies that underpin the transformation of entire social systems. Prior studies have highlighted the significance of a paradigm shift and provided discussion of institutional change and systems change, but further explication and reconciliation are needed. The following section examines the case of the market introduction process of liquid infant formula as a concrete illustration. This shows the interconnection between the marketing system’s shaping practices and institutional logic adoption.
For the analysis, a wide range of materials related to liquid infant formula were collected, and an attempt was made to construct an explanation both by drawing on theoretical propositions and by employing a chronological perspective (Yin, 2017). Specifically, following the initially formulated research questions, the analysis focused on the paradigm shift as a leverage point, treated as a provisional theoretical statement. This statement was revised through the processes of data analysis and description and subsequently reapplied to other parts of the case in an iterative manner. Through this repetition, the study sought to capture changes in consumer behavior at the societal level (Fairclough, 1993; Ishizawa, 2018; Mizukoshi et al., 2016).
The core data consisted of newspaper articles, parliamentary records, and related online articles, including user reviews. With respect to newspaper articles and parliamentary records, 564 and 30 cases, respectively, were identified up to December 31, 2024. The trajectory of newspaper coverage shows a gradual increase from approximately 2016, peaking at the time of the product’s release in 2019 (186 articles).
The following section describes the process of introducing liquid infant formula in chronological order. First, the period in which breastfeeding was a social good was institutionalized in everyday life, while emergencies such as natural disasters and overseas cases highlighted problems and initiated collaboration. Second, the stage where the logic of the economy—male participation in childcare and women’s advancement in society—became incorporated into the debate. Third, the period when competitive strategies of individual firms drove product development. Finally, the stage in which the relationship between everyday and noneveryday contexts was reconstructed as the new product entered the market.
2. Three earthquakes and the construction of crisis contextsThe earliest newspaper article related to liquid infant formula in Japan, relevant to contemporary debates, appeared on April 19, 1995 in Asahi Shimbun, titled “Infant Liquid Formula Popular among Mothers in Europe and the U.S.: No Need to Dissolve Powder, Convenient for Outings.” The article was contextualized by the Great Hanshin Earthquake in January 1995, when evacuees in shelters faced difficulties dissolving powdered milk because of the lack of hot water. Against this backdrop, the usefulness of liquid formula was emphasized by people who had lived abroad. Domestic manufacturers, however, pointed to several issues: the need for legal reforms, the high production costs compared with those associated with powdered milk, and technical challenges such as discoloration and nutrient degradation. At the time, it was noted that “all companies remain reluctant.”
After this period, media coverage largely disappeared; however, the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011 reignited public attention, bringing the discussion to the national Diet. Parliamentary records show that in 2013, for the first time, questions regarding the manufacture and import of liquid formula were raised by the Health, Labour and Welfare Committee. While the Japan Dairy Association had requested standards in 2009, the ministry responded that data were required to address hygienic concerns and that “demand is very low, so manufacturers have not actively pursued development.”
Subsequently, citizen groups began to form. A research group aimed at promoting the domestic distribution of liquid infant formula was established, centered on mothers’ activism in Yokohama, and it included beverage-pack manufacturers, distributors, and other businesses. Ms. Eri Suenaga, a representative, later became a central figure in the promotion of liquid formula. In autumn 2014, this initiative also launched a petition campaign. Samples and documents were sent to members of the House of Representatives.
During this period, in addition to civic initiatives, parliamentary groups also became more active. In April 2016, following the Kumamoto Earthquake, liquid infant formula was once again provided from abroad. The Japan-Finland Parliamentary Friendship League (Chairperson: Yuriko Koike, Member of the House of Representatives) announced that a Finnish dairy manufacturer had donated liquid infant formula free of charge. Later, Koike, who ran in the Tokyo gubernatorial election, included the promotion of liquid formula as one of her policy proposals. She introduced liquid formula as a part of her “female governor’s perspective,” pledging to purchase it for Tokyo’s public childcare facilities.
These situations illustrate that crises disrupt institutionalized activities that do not serve society well under the crisis. When this occurs, the legitimacy of the activities is questioned, and political division drives removal or development of improved activities (Hiatt et al., 2009). Subsequently, alternative institutional logics were introduced, along with government instigated social mechanisms.
3. Government intervention and fathers’ participation in childcareBy 2016, the government began considering lifting restrictions on the development and sale of liquid infant formula. From fiscal year 2017 onward, industry associations were asked to conduct safety tests, and the relevant provisions of the Food Sanitation Act were revised once sufficient data were collected.
This consideration was linked to a changing perception of liquid formula. The lack of progress in industry deliberations until then was because of strict safety standards and uncertainty over whether demand would justify investment. In other words, the issue did not lie in demand per se but in whether its scale would meet manufacturers’ expectations. Moreover, with Prime Minister Abe promoting “work-style reform” and women’s empowerment, some voices suggested that liquid formula would “also help encourage men’s participation in childcare.” Beyond disaster preparedness, women’s empowerment and men’s involvement in childcare were added as rationales, indicating that the policy had both economic and gender-related significance.
As deregulation progressed, increasing attention was also directed toward the importance of promoting breastfeeding. Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike, while welcoming the government’s consideration of deregulation, also emphasized the importance of breastfeeding: “However, breast milk is best. Breast milk should be the first choice, and then whether to use powder or liquid depends on the consumer”. References to breastfeeding continued thereafter. In 2017, the Budget Committee stated that even during disasters, it is important to provide support so that breastfeeding can continue with confidence.
Introduction of the gender equality-based institutional logic here provides an alternative for shaping the infant-feeding market system and creating alternative value exchange fields for formula. The rhetoric provided both cognitive and affective grounds to drive adoption of the new institutional logic (Kennedy et al., 2025). The ensuing political debate drove the next stage and paved the way for technological evolution of the system through product testing (Layton & Duffy, 2018).
4. Amendment of the ministerial ordinance and the commercial launchIn 2018, the industry association finally submitted previously missing test data, which led authorities to judge that safety verification was now possible. Liquid formula was formally defined under the new designation of “adjusted liquid milk,” made from raw milk or cow’s milk with added nutrients essential for infants. The ordinance also specified manufacturing methods such as heat sterilization and storage requirements. A ministerial ordinance establishing standards that permitted the manufacture and sale of liquid infant formula came into force.
Ezaki Glico announced the development. The background to Ezaki Glico’s pioneering announcement included its status as a lower-ranked powdered milk manufacturer and its identification of disaster stockpiling demand through collaboration with municipalities. In fact, development of liquid formula began after the 2016 Kumamoto Earthquake. As noted in the newspaper, “only Ezaki Glico, with a smaller market share in powdered milk, clarified a specific entry plan, while major dairy manufacturers remained cautious. One competitor commented, ‘To announce a product before filing for approval was unthinkable.’”
Bunkyo Ward launched the “Protect Babies Consortium,” an initiative for disaster support of infants and pregnant women. The ward allocated a budget of 2.6 million yen for the purchase of liquid formula products. Items stockpiled beyond a certain period were distributed free of charge during infant health checkups and childcare facilities’ disaster drills to promote familiarity and use. Minoh city in Osaka Prefecture also began stockpiling liquid formula, becoming the third municipality to do so. Moreover, the concept of “rolling stock” was introduced, with reference to the practice of using items near expiration in daily childcare while replenishing supplies to maintain stock levels.
The government likewise positioned liquid formula as an essential disaster supply, encouraging municipalities nationwide to stockpile it alongside its market release. It was added to the list of items urgently needed for infants together with powdered formula and weaning foods. Through government influence on policy (Kennedy et al., 2025), we see that this stakeholder action field further drove the adoption of the new institutional logic. It also allowed the creation of the market delivery system necessary for system change (Layton & Duffy, 2018).
5. Reconstruction of everyday normal life in the post-launch contextAlthough the manufacture of liquid infant formula required approval from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, its sale required approval from the Consumer Affairs Agency. On 5 March 2019, Ezaki Glico, together with Meiji, a major company that had rapidly advanced its product development, obtained approval at the same time. On the same day, Ezaki Glico launched sales of “Icreo Akachan Milk” through its own online store.
The commercial launch of liquid formula destabilized the prevailing everyday paradigm that breast milk is considered best. On 9 March 2019, Asahi Shimbun reported “Excessive Expectations of Breastfeeding Reconsidered: National Guidelines Revised—‘No Preventive Effect on Allergies’,” marking the first guideline revision in twelve years since 2007. The article noted that “excessive expectations of breastfeeding are troubling parents, and a reconsideration of breastfeeding support is being called for.” It further stated: “There is no doubt about the benefits of breastfeeding, but expectations cannot be excessive. For parents using mixed feeding, current support is insufficient, anxiety about feeding is strong, and more appropriate support is needed.”
User voices soon emerged online, and liquid formula gradually entered everyday use. Reports on sales and municipal stockpiling increased, but so did criticism of the mandatory label stating that “Breast milk is the best nutrition for babies.” Although it is required for all formula, commenters argued that, for liquid formula, this message “places undue pressure on mothers who rely on formula feeding.”
The diffusion of liquid formula into everyday life once again came into tension with the promotion of breastfeeding. Because liquid formula has a limited shelf life, proposals were made to use it in childcare centers or through rolling stock practices to prevent food waste. However, such practices were also viewed as sales promotion. As noted in the Diet: “Although called rolling stock, in reality, I hear that stockpiled liquid formula for disaster use is being distributed at disaster drills or infant health checkups, effectively serving as tasting samples. Distributing liquid formula to unspecified numbers of people appears to contravene international regulations”. Mediation between different forms of social good—support for both breastfeeding and liquid formula—is becoming increasingly necessary (Table 1).
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This last aspect helps us to see the final market system shaped through market delivery systems based on sales, access and volume (Layton & Duffy, 2018). The final ability of this to occur was through organizational adoption of the new paradigm via mimetic (copying other organizations) and normative actions (Kennedy et al., 2025).
This study examined how liquid infant formula was introduced into the market under the institutional framework that positioned breastfeeding as best. The following section summarizes the significance of the case in line with the three research questions.
The first concerns how the paradigm shift functions as a leverage point. References to liquid formulas in Japan have primarily been triggered by major earthquakes and typhoons. Specifically, the Great Hanshin Earthquake of 1995, the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011, and the Kumamoto Earthquake of 2016 can be identified, alongside other events such as the Hokkaido Earthquake and typhoon damage in Hiroshima. All of these represent crisis contexts that served as moments when the everyday paradigm that breast milk is best was relativized (Meadows, 1999). Moreover, the provision of overseas aid and imports on each occasion reinforced the impression of these crisis contexts.
This case demonstrates how debates triggered by crisis contexts continued over a long period and ultimately provided pathways for overcoming institutional barriers (Kennedy, 2017; Layton, 2015). The emphasis on crises did not immediately lead to the introduction of liquid formula. In contrast, the first earthquake required not ten but more than twenty years. A major reason lies in the strength of the everyday paradigm and the existence of a complex institutional system built around the principle of breastfeeding as best. For powdered milk manufacturers as well, developing liquid formula did not promise sufficient profit. MSM requires a long-term perspective.
The second concerns how the paradigm shift as a leverage point relates to and influences upstream, midstream, and downstream activities. In crisis contexts, the usefulness of liquid formula was recognized, and until regulatory change was achieved and market introduction was realized, various activities were carried out at each level and interconnected with one another. These activities can be interpreted not only as contributing to a paradigm shift but also as other forms of leverage points (Kemper & Ballantine, 2017).
In upstream terms, although the eventual regulatory change was most decisive, the government had already previously undertaken various initiatives. Actual legal reforms were strongly influenced by the government’s evaluation of liquid formula in relation to women’s empowerment and men’s participation in childcare. By being placed on the agenda of the Cabinet Office’s Gender Equality Council, the introduction of liquid formula became connected to economic and task norms (Scott & Meyer, 1994). These norms are linked to market mechanisms, which, once set in motion, exert strong power (Layton, 2015).
The upstream regulatory changes were propelled by midstream markets and communities. For existing powdered milk manufacturers, liquid formula would merely substitute for their products, making it appear to have little investment value. However, manufacturers were not monolithic. For firms with little share in the existing market, it represented a new opportunity. Such processes leading to regulatory change have not necessarily been clarified in previous research (Manlosa et al., 2019). Communities and subgroups also played important roles. These included parliamentary leagues, support by municipalities such as Tokyo under Governor Koike, and the activism of civic groups. Among these, Ms. Suenaga’s activities had already begun prior to the Kumamoto Earthquake, and her petition campaign was used as evidence in policy debates.
Downstream activities and individual behavioral change demonstrated tangible social outcomes (Kennedy, 2016). As the WHO Code effectively prohibits companies from directly marketing powdered or liquid formula, direct downstream interventions were difficult. Nevertheless, the availability of liquid formula has enabled people to gain new experiences, leading to product improvements and expanded uses. Framed for crisis contexts, stockpiling emerged as a significant application, with municipalities joining general consumers as new customers. Their entry, in turn, created incentives for manufacturers to develop liquid formula, thereby stabilizing the system. In this process, liquid formula permeated everyday life as a social outcome, reproducing tensions with the institutional system that promoted breastfeeding as best (Figure 1).
Finally, the competing social goods must be considered. The case demonstrates that while breastfeeding promotion constitutes a social good, the use of liquid formula can also, under certain conditions, be considered a social good—and that these are placed in competition (Scott et al., 2011). Cases of social marketing surrounding women’s bodies, including breastfeeding promotion, have epitomized such challenges (Gurrieri et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2012). Such critiques do not dismiss social marketing as a whole (Gould & Semaan, 2014); however, they underscore the need for social marketing to be more reflexive than conventional marketing.
This case illustrates that one of the wicked problems that MSM has identified as a key research focus is the competition between different forms of social good (Dholakia & Firat, 2003). Moreover, identifying leverage points remains useful for addressing this issue, with a paradigm shift in particular proving effective. If any form of social good rests upon specific assumptions, then by replacing those assumptions, the possibilities for alternative social goods can be opened. A key point is that a paradigm shift does not indicate the superiority or inferiority of multiple paradigms but rather highlights the possibility and conditions for their coexistence.
This study clarified how a paradigm shift, as a leverage point, can enable social transformation by examining the process of introducing liquid infant formula into the Japanese market. This endeavor demonstrates, in line with systems theory and systems thinking emphasized in macro-social marketing research, that social transformation can indeed be advanced in practice. Nevertheless, as systems theory suggests, an intervention that succeeds in one context may fail in another (French & Gordon, 2015; Williams et al., 2024). Further research is needed to understand the dynamic mechanisms at work. This study represents a Japanese case with its own distinctive local characteristics. By accumulating additional cases—such as legal reforms promoting gender equality in Ethiopia and initiatives for sustainable ranch management in the Falkland Islands (Tourangeau & Sherren, 2020)—it will become possible to gain a more detailed understanding of a paradigm shift.
The twelfth leverage point, according to Meadows (1999), lies in transcending paradigms. It is to remain unattached to paradigms, to respond flexibly, and to understand that no paradigm is true. Even one’s own paradigm, which shapes one’s worldview, must be recognized as a limited construct for comprehending the vast and astonishing universe, and one must accept this limitation with curiosity and openness. It is to let go into the ‘unknown,’ which is close to what Buddhism describes as enlightenment. This explanation indicates that while there is no single best method for achieving social transformation, the potential for transformation exists in every society.
The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Hiroko Sasaki in the preparation of this study.
This article utilized secondary data, which are available from the data source mentioned in the body.
This study did not involve human participants.
The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose regarding this manuscript.
Kosuke Mizukoshi
Professor, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration, Tokyo Metropolitan University. PhD in Commerce, Kobe University. Areas of expertise include digital marketing and social marketing.
Ann-Marie Kennedy
PhD, is a Professor of Marketing at the University of Canterbury Business School, Christchurch, New Zealand. She is an expert in marketing for behavior change (e.g., social marketing), macromarketing, sustainability, and retail. Her work is published in international journals. She is Editor-In-Chief of the Journal of Social Marketing.
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